【文章內(nèi)容簡介】 institutions to prevent another world so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nationsan idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prizeAmerica led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous ，并且隨著核時代的到來，戰(zhàn)勝者與戰(zhàn)敗者同樣清楚地認識到，這個世界需要有防止另一次世界大戰(zhàn)的機制。為此，在美國參議院拒絕接受國際聯(lián)盟（League of Nations）的四分之一世紀后而伍德羅威爾遜（Woodrow Wilson）正因為提出成立國聯(lián)的設(shè)想而榮獲諾貝爾和平獎，美國帶動世界建起維護和平的體制：馬歇爾計劃(Marshall Plan)和聯(lián)合國，對發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的規(guī)范，以及保護人權(quán)、防止種族滅絕大屠殺和限制最危險武器的各項條約。In many ways, these efforts , terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities there has been no Third World Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a has stitched much of the world have been lifted from ideals of liberty and selfdetermination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully 。不錯，可怕的戰(zhàn)爭仍然發(fā)生，種種暴行依然出現(xiàn)，但第三次世界大戰(zhàn)沒有爆發(fā)。冷戰(zhàn)以興高采烈的人群推倒一堵墻而告結(jié)束；商貿(mào)將世界大片地區(qū)緊密連在了一起；數(shù)十億人口擺脫了貧困；自由、自決、平等和法治的理想斷斷續(xù)續(xù)地向前推進。我們是先輩們的堅韌精神和遠大目光的繼承人，這是我自己的國家有理由為之感到驕傲的業(yè)績。And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific ，在進入新世紀已10年之際，這一舊有的架構(gòu)正在越來越難撐新生威脅的重壓。世界或許不再為兩個超級核大國之間可能發(fā)生戰(zhàn)爭而顫栗，但核擴散可能會增加發(fā)生巨大災(zāi)難的危險?？植乐髁x一貫是一種手段，但現(xiàn)代技術(shù)會使少數(shù)怒火超量的小人以可怕的規(guī)模殘殺無辜。Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts。the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed statesall these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending today39。s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers。the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children ，國與國的戰(zhàn)爭正在日益被國家內(nèi)部的戰(zhàn)爭所取代。民族和宗派沖突的重新抬頭、分離主義運動、叛亂活動和失控國家的增加，都越來越將平民困于無休止的**中。在今天的戰(zhàn)爭中，平民的死亡大大超過軍人；埋下未來沖突的種子；破壞經(jīng)濟；摧毀公民社會；形成大批難民；使兒童遭受創(chuàng)傷。I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just 。但我確知，應(yīng)對這些挑戰(zhàn)要求具有幾十年前那些英勇無畏的前輩所具有的遠見、勤勞和堅韌不拔。這需要我們從新的角度思考正義戰(zhàn)爭的含義和正義和平的必備條件。We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our will be times when nationsacting individually or in concertwill find the use of force not only necessary but morally ：在我們的有生之年，我們不會根除暴力沖突。會有一些時候，國家不論是單獨或共同行動發(fā)現(xiàn)使用武力不僅必要，而且為道義所需。I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King in this same ceremony years ago: “Violence never brings permanent solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more plicated ones.” As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of 39。s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of know there39。s nothing weaknothing passivenothing na?vein the creed and lives of Gandhi and 路德金（Martin Luther King Jr.）多年前在這同一儀式上說過的話：“暴力永遠不會帶來持久和平。它解決不了社會問題：只會制造新的、更復(fù)雜的問題”。我站在這里，作為金博士畢生奮斗的直接受益者，就是對非暴力的道義力量的活見證。我知道在甘地（Gandhi）和馬丁路德金的信念與人生中，絕無軟弱絕無消極絕無天真。But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American make no mistake: Evil does exist in the nonviolent movement could not have halted Hitler39。s cannot convince al Qaeda39。s leaders to lay down their say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicismit is a recognition of history。the imperfections of man and the limits of ，作為宣誓保衛(wèi)自己國家的一國元首，我不能只以他們的榜樣為指南。我面對的世界是現(xiàn)實的世界，我不能面對美國人民遭到的威脅無動于衷。因為，切莫誤會：邪惡在世界上確實存在。一場非暴力運動不可能阻止希特勒的軍隊。談判不能說服基地（al Qaeda）組織的頭目放下武器。說武力有時是必要的并不是讓大家變得憤世嫉俗這是承認歷史；是人類的不完美和情理的限度。I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world39。s sole military ，我以這一點開頭，因為今天在許多國家，對軍事行動，不管出于什么理由，都存在一種深深的矛盾心理。有時候，這種矛盾又摻雜著對美國，這個世界上惟一的超級大國的一種反射性的不信任。But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutionsnot just treaties and declarationsthat brought stability to a postWorld War II mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our