【正文】 an Rickard 國籍：英國 出處：遠見，卷 1 第 5， 1999， 427 440 。值得注意的是固有的不活動所提供基本的產出損失在計算上文所載中的財富損失相當大。從 20 世紀 80 年代的數(shù)據(jù)看，種種跡象顯示：不積極的人，尤其是 50 歲以上的男性大幅增加。由于正式統(tǒng)計的失業(yè)數(shù)據(jù)連續(xù)五年下降，英國經濟已經確立了自己全就業(yè)的路徑。但是，這篇文章曾 指出問題的嚴重性是兩者的現(xiàn)狀和未來。這應被視為一起在 1999 年 6 月，其目的是解決年齡歧視的雇主當中，由政府發(fā)動的年齡多樣性的實踐守則。 W 休斯特求職和培訓提供幫助和建議，新政還提供了一個就業(yè)信用證支付采取行為。 11 英國政府最近宣布了一項新倡議，旨在促使超過 50 歲的人重返勞動大軍。我們從表格知道，許多人（特別是男性）表述自己沒生病。這引出了一個問題，醫(yī)學科學的穩(wěn)步提高， 50 至 64 歲之間的人的健康明顯惡化，在過去的 20 年不活躍的老年男性的比例上升。 60 至 64 歲之間的女性不包含在表格里已退休的。 第三，除了那些聲稱自己是退休的，占主導地位的男性和女性不采取行動的原因是疾病。在高失業(yè)率 的時候，這必然要促使那些很少有就業(yè)機會的人變著慵懶，因此成為官方失業(yè)統(tǒng)計中失業(yè)者。 其次，大部分男性不積極性的增加發(fā)生在 1979 年和 1987 年之間。這種方式轉變的經濟活動，導致從男人到女人， 50 歲以上的男性似乎更符合需求的轉變。這種情況進一步加劇了準備有孩子的婦女更多地參與工作，以較低的工資和更適合的條件獲得兼職機會。 LFS 分析得出的結論是越來越多的老年人和教育程度較低的人正變?yōu)榉腔顒訝顟B(tài)的，而受過良好教育的婦女的比例越來越大和達到撫養(yǎng)孩子年齡的成為積極者。 increased sharply in the 1980s and show every sign of persisting. If we are to make full use of the nation’s productive resources then we cannot be content with this situation. It is to draw attention to the considerable loss of wealth inherent in inactivity that provides the base for the calculation of lost output set out above. 9 ...... Author:S233。 ...... 作者 ： David Hodgson 6 國籍：英國 出處：國際人力雜志， 12 卷第 4， 1991， 2831 7 原文 2 Future employment and ageism in Britain Firstly, it does not fit fortably with official statistics that show increasing numbers of men aged between 50 and 64 stopping work early whilst the number of women in the same age category who are economically active is rising. An analysis of the LFS concluded that older and less educated men are increasingly being inactive, whilst an increasing proportion of better educated women and those of child rearing age with a working partner are being active. The data suggests that falling demand for unskilled labour leads to labour shedding, primarily amongst older men, who, lacking the skills demanded by the market, find it difficult to regain work. The situation is further exacerbated by the increased participation of women with children who are prepared to work for lower wages and are more suited to parttime opportunities. Subsequently, many older males who bee unemployed eventually drop out of the active labour changing pattern of economic activity for males aged over 50 seems more consistent with a shift in demand from men to women. It may also reflect, at the household level, an increased incentive for females to seek work if the male is economically inactive. Secondly, the bulk of the rise in male inactivity occurred between 1979 and 1987. This coincided not only with a rapid rise in unemployment but also with the then government’s decision to relax the requirement for men over the age of 60 to register as unemployed in order to obtain higher rate benefits and pension contribution credits. At a time of high unemployment this was bound to encourage those who saw little chance of obtaining work to bee inactive and hence dropout of official unemployment statistics. The rise in male inactivity in the early 1980s does appear to be prima facie evidence that the cause of rising inactivity is demand rather than supply driven. Thirdl