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農(nóng)業(yè)現(xiàn)代化或單一有機農(nóng)業(yè)的應(yīng)用【外文翻譯】-在線瀏覽

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【正文】 Lauber and Ingram 2020), improved industrial energy efficiency (Enevoldsen 2020), and the reduction of toxic waste within the chemical industry(Mol 1995。 1997). The institutionalization of organic agriculture provides another opportunity to assess how well ecological modernization theory applies to the social processes associated with this development. The growth in organic farming beginning in the 1970s emerged out of a confluence of social developments, some of which began decades earlier (Guthman 2020a。 business owners, and the state acted together to create a policy designed to advance a more environmentally sound method of farming. In contrast, treadmill theorists see a system that is driven by the united forces of capital, labor, and the state, all of whom have an interest in expanding production with little regard for the ecological implications (Schnaiberg 1980。 Lyons 1999。 Minick 2020). The creation of 5 national organic standards can be cynically viewed as a maneuver that coopted a grassroots movement that was seeking true sustainability, but this may reinvigorate that movement and set in motion another round of environmental improvements(Michelsen 2020a). Some movement activists are attempting to design new production standards that make it virtually impossible to produce on a large scale, thus favoring ecologically sustainable smallscale local farms. Ecological modernization theorists could argue that this is part of the process. Organics may just be a way station toward truly ecologically sustainable production. Of course, the treadmill may eventually overtake any movement innovation, given that the pursuit of profit does. Conclusion Both the treadmill of production and ecological modernization theories offer insightful perspectives on the social processes associated with environmental developments. When looking at the spread of organic production practices and their institutionalization in the form of statesanctioned standards, there is a great deal of empirical evidence that can be marshaled to support either perspective. Social movements, consumers, entrepreneurs, and the state have acted in concert to develop agricultural production in a way that represents an environmental improvement over conventional practices, just as predicted by ecological modernization theorists. But there is also evidence to demonstrate that the forces of capital in conjunction with a pliant state are undermining some of the original environmental promise of organic agriculture in the quest to expand profits and production much as treadmill theory suggests. While this analysis does not enable us to draw definitive conclusions regarding the long term environmental prognoses offered by ecological modernization and treadmill theorists, the organic case provides a valuable opportunity to consider the implications, not only for the agriculture industry but for society as a whole. Although it is difficult to see how the growth in organic production and the creation of standards alone help to verify some of the more ambitious claims of ecological modernization theory regarding a wholesale shift to ecological sustainability, the nature of the food industry makes it one in which a claim regarding permanent ecological gains are defensible. If in fact demand for food is truly finite, real ongoing environmentally beneficial improvements in production practices can be realized. But in the broader debate, treadmill theory claims about the failures of ecological 6 modernization on a macro level have yet to be adequately refuted. The overall logic of capitalism still favors
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