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人口老齡化背景下我國新型農(nóng)村養(yǎng)老保險制度問題研究(參考版)

2025-04-18 22:09本頁面
  

【正文】 報告第三部分將老年問題列為三個特殊問題之一,對其進行了探討,并在第254257段總結(jié)了應(yīng)對之策。第一個現(xiàn)實情況使得英國必須尋找途徑以推遲人們的退休年齡;第二個現(xiàn)實情況使得英國必須將維持母嬰權(quán)利放在社會開支的首要位置。這兩個現(xiàn)實是由英國過去若干年間出生率和死亡率的變動所造成的。第六部分主要社會討論社會保障和其他相關(guān)議題的關(guān)系。這桑假定的部分內(nèi)容超出計劃自身的范疇,屬于其他社會政策的領(lǐng)域。該報告第五部分所顯示的社會保障計劃提出,要在戰(zhàn)后消除貧困,并把強制性的社會保險作為實現(xiàn)該目標(biāo)的主要手段,把國民救濟和自愿保險作為補充手段。,那么英國早在第二次世界大戰(zhàn)前就可以消除社會調(diào)查所定義的貧困。但是如果僅在家長收入中斷時候提供補助,那么一下兩方面的不良影響就難以避免。,其次要根據(jù)家庭調(diào)整收入,也就是說,要根據(jù)家長是否有收入及收入多少對兒童提供某種形式的補助。雖然失業(yè)保險待遇在某些方面考慮了這些方面的標(biāo)準(zhǔn),使失業(yè)者能夠生活在貧困線以上,但是,疾病和傷殘待遇、老年人養(yǎng)老金和喪偶者養(yǎng)老金的水平要比這些標(biāo)準(zhǔn)低得多,對有家庭贍養(yǎng)或撫養(yǎng)義務(wù)及工作收入低于基本生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)兩倍的工人來說,其獲得的工傷賠償?shù)慕痤~也不足以養(yǎng)家糊口。這說明他們得到的保險待遇水平太低或者享受期太短,而且補充保險提供的補助金也不足,或者是享受條件過于苛刻,以至于人們不愿意申領(lǐng)?,F(xiàn)行的社會保險方案涵蓋了所有導(dǎo)致收入中斷或喪失的主要因素。在這些調(diào)查結(jié)束之后,英國出臺了補充性的養(yǎng)老金計劃,老年貧困人口數(shù)量有所減少,但是這并不影響調(diào)查得出的主要結(jié)論:只有通過社會保險并根據(jù)家庭需要進行雙重收入再分配才能擺脫貧困。根據(jù)事先嚴(yán)格設(shè)定的貧困標(biāo)準(zhǔn),在調(diào)查顯示的所有貧困人口中,約有3/4—5/6是因為中斷或喪失謀生能力致貧的。他們測定了每一個城市生活在貧困線以下的人口比例,分析了貧困的程度和原因。一些中立的、沒任何政治色彩的科研機構(gòu)對英國的一些大城市的生活狀況進行了社會調(diào)查。該計劃首先分析了英國貧困的成因。必須明確的是,該計劃首先是一個保險計劃,即根據(jù)繳費給付待遇,其最終目的是參保人無需經(jīng)過經(jīng)濟狀況調(diào)查就可合法享有基本生活保障。該計劃既充分利用了過去積累下來的豐富經(jīng)驗,又不被這些經(jīng)驗所限制。在確定國家最低保障水平時,應(yīng)該給個人留有一定的空間,使其有積極性參與自愿保險,以為自己及家人提供更高水平的保證水平。,社會保障需要國家和個人的合作。但是貧困僅僅是英國戰(zhàn)后需要重建解決的五大問題之一,而且在某種程度上可以說是最容易解決的一個問題。,應(yīng)該把社會保險看出促進社會進步的系列政策之一?,F(xiàn)在戰(zhàn)爭正在改變一切,打破了原有的條條框框,為我們在新的領(lǐng)域運用經(jīng)驗提供了機會。在從第一次任務(wù)向第二次任務(wù)轉(zhuǎn)變之際,有必要在一開始的時候就闡明提出建議的三條指導(dǎo)性原則。 it is more favourable some other respects. Broadly the two schemes for two munities of the British race are plans on the same lines to solve the same problem of passage from pensions based on need to pensions paid as of right to all citizens in virtue of contribution.譯文:社會保險和相關(guān)服務(wù)威廉 after twenty years, the New Zealand rate is not very materially different from the basic rate proposed for Britain. The New Zealand pensions are not conditional upon retirement from work。 the main effects of these movements in determining the present and future of the British people are shown by Table XI in para. 234. The first of the two facts is the age constitution of the population, making it certain that persons past the age that is now regarded as the end of working life will be a much larger proportion of the whole munity than at any time in the past. The second fact is the low reproduction rate of the British munity today: unless this rate is raised very materially in the near future, a rapid and continuous decline of the population cannot be prevented. The first fact makes it necessary to seek ways of postponing the age of retirement from work rather than of hastening It. The second fact makes it imperative to give first place in social expenditure to the care of childhood and to the safeguarding of maternity.11. The provision to be made for old age represents the largest and most growing element in any social insurance scheme. The problem of age is discussed accordingly in Part III of the Report as one of three special problems。 in establishing a national minimum, it should leave room and encouragement for voluntary action by each individual to provide more than that minimum for himself and his family.5. The Plan for Social Security set out in this Report is built upon these principles. It uses experience but is not tied by experience. It is put forward as a limited contribution to a wider social policy, though as something that could be achieved now without waiting for the whole of that policy. It is, first and foremost, a plan of insurance of giving in return for contributions benefits up to subsistence level, as of right and without means test, so that individuals may build freely upon it. THE WAY TO FREEDOM FROM WANT6. The work of the Interdepartmental Committee began with a reviews of existing schemes of social insurance and allied services. The Plan for Social Security, with which that work ends, starts from a diagnosis of want of the circumstances in which, in the years just preceding the present war families and individuals in Britain might lack the means of healthy subsistence. During those years impartial scientific authorities made social surveys of the conditions of life in a number of principal towns in Britain, including London, Liverpool, Sheffield, Plymouth, Southampton, York and Bristol. They determined the proportions of the people in each town whose means were below the standard assumed to be necessary for subsistence, and they analysed the extent and causes of that deficiency. From each of these social surveys the same broad result emerges. Of all the want shown by the surveys, from threequarters to fivesixths, according to the precise standard chosen for want, was due to interruption or loss of earning power. Practically the whole of the remaining onequarter to onesixth was due to failure to relate ine during earning to the size of the family. These surveys were made before the introduction of supplementary pensions had reduced the amount of poverty amongst old persons. But this does not affect the main conclusion to be drawn from these surveys: abolition of want requires a double redistribution of ine, through social insurance and by family needs.7. Abolition of want requires, first, improvement of State insurance that is to say provision against interruption and loss of earning power All the principal causes of interruption or loss of earnings are now the subject of schemes of social insurance. If, in spite of these schemes, so many persons unemployed or sick or old or widowed are found to be without adequate ine for subsistence according to the standards adopted in the social surveys, this means that the benefits amount to less than subsistence by those standards or do not last as long as the need, and that the assistance which supplements insurance is either insufficient in amount or available only on terms which make men unwilling to have recourse to it. None of the insurance benefits provided before the war were in fact designed with reference to the standards of the social surveys. Though unemployment benefit was not altogether out of relation to those standards, sickness and disablement benefit, old age pensions and widows’ pensions were far below them, while workmen’s pensation was be
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