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成為現(xiàn)今酒吧文化中另一普遍特征。這意味著女人做些什么、去什么地方、能夠喝多少酒,決定權(quán)完全掌握在男人手中(而男人可以半途消失,跑到別處獨(dú)自飲酒作樂)。這就使我們更加深刻地認(rèn)識到,男人可以隨心所欲、自由揮霍,而妻子的一舉一動都必須等待丈夫的決定:因此,男女性之間購買權(quán)的不平衡是造成整個問題相當(dāng)重要的一部分,也是形成女性不自己買酒喝這一酒吧慣例的重要原因。順便提一句,事實(shí)上,男性在酒吧中花費(fèi)大量的時間與金錢,而他們談?wù)摰闹饕掝}卻是關(guān)于,更確切地說是反對女性及女性特征。男人控制著這一切。對多數(shù)男人來說,通常一星期中總有一個晚上是只準(zhǔn)男人參加的聚會。這不但造成了男人與家庭的脫離,也使他們充耳不聞妻子們要求丈夫共同承擔(dān)家庭責(zé)任的呼聲。面對妻子們要求的平等,男人們并沒有選擇妥協(xié)。相反,當(dāng)矛盾難以調(diào)和,他們就選擇消失,或是對家事棄之不顧,反而很自在地和哥們兒一起玩樂,打牌、看脫衣舞表演、甚至用不堪入耳的污言穢語辱罵女性。這并不僅僅是個人心理使然,往往還源于同伴們的教唆。正如民意調(diào)查中的一個男人說得那樣,他在酒吧就是要證明自己并非妻管嚴(yán),“我可不是那些無能的被老婆管的男人” 當(dāng)然,男性的自由在另一方面也反映了女性被家庭所禁錮。也許是因?yàn)殄X的問題,也許是因?yàn)榭傄袀€人在家照看孩子,這些都使得女性不可能像男性那樣來去自如。但是,如果女性真的一氣之下像男人那樣出去了,反而中了他們的招,尤其在一個比較小的社區(qū)團(tuán)體中更甚。在安懷特黑德1967年對赫特福德郡的調(diào)查中就揭示了與波爾頓民意調(diào)查所觀察到的非常相似的過程。在赫特福德郡,女性獨(dú)自外出被視為蕩婦的標(biāo)志。即使是像婦女協(xié)會這樣的女性組織都難逃被酒吧男人詆毀的命運(yùn)。 當(dāng)你仔細(xì)觀察之后,你會發(fā)現(xiàn)酒吧問題并不是一個動聽的故事。安懷特黑德和薇拉瑞海伊提供的研究分析強(qiáng)有力地提醒我們關(guān)注這個社會丑陋的一面,這個我們?yōu)榱司S護(hù)自尊、保持心平氣和而只能選擇無視、逃避與緘默的恥辱的一面。我相信,所有女性都一定熟知被困在一群懷有敵意的男人中那種不知所措的感受。如果他們不滿意你的出現(xiàn)或你的行為舉止,他們可以隨心所欲地惡語相向甚至施加暴力。也許你只想在酒吧里聊聊天、獲取些工作上的有用信息、和朋友一起放松放松喝上幾杯……算了吧!如果男人們把你當(dāng)作妓女蕩婦般對待,那這就是酒吧文化真實(shí)所在。 這重要嗎?畢竟,除了大量的酒精,這些主流酒吧都能帶給我們什么呢?是十分無趣、虛假的酒伴?還是周遭充斥著嘈雜刺耳金屬音樂與電腦游戲聲的毫無舒適感可言的酒吧環(huán)境? 但這很重要!酒吧仍舊是唯一合適的社交會晤場所:里面的高級房間仍然是工會分會與當(dāng)?shù)卣h會晤的首選地點(diǎn)。許多女性,尤其是從未去過酒吧的那些,常常會突發(fā)奇想到一家陌生酒吧里轉(zhuǎn)轉(zhuǎn),結(jié)果往往是發(fā)現(xiàn)其令人厭惡至極。一些在正式場所召開的會議一旦結(jié)束,而將會場轉(zhuǎn)移至酒吧時,那些熟知內(nèi)幕的知情人這時候才真正開始切入正題,討論諸如某職位的候選人或?yàn)閷?shí)現(xiàn)某一觀點(diǎn)而將采取的方針策略等等。 酒吧很重要,因?yàn)樗诤芏喾矫娑际菬衢T話題的重要信息源,而不僅僅只關(guān)于賭馬或找工作。如之前星嘉德酒吧的一名顧客所說,在酒吧中,很輕松就能找到一份臨時工作。某些酒吧還能提供一些本來極其匱乏的該地區(qū)房屋出租信息。說這些并非要對酒吧中的一些丑惡慣例既往不咎,而是要提醒我們注意到酒吧在一些非官方甚至非法交易中的地位和作用,不用說,這些事主要都是男人一手操縱的。 酒吧在各種日常活動中的地位也舉足輕重:如工作上的閑聊、最近有些什么促銷活動、請有利用價值的同事或上司喝上幾杯、對思考很久的事情作出決定或是搜集一些關(guān)于一份競爭激烈的工作的有用信息等等。還記得之前的艾爾維諾酒吧及其為了阻止女性進(jìn)入該酒吧而引發(fā)的那場激烈的紛爭嗎?可以說,在對類似這種事件的謀劃操縱中,艦隊(duì)街的酒吧起著至關(guān)重要的作用,同時它們還肩負(fù)著一項(xiàng)重任——傳授給年輕實(shí)習(xí)記者要想在新聞界立足所必須熟知的竅門絕招及潛規(guī)則——這些都是羅杰史密斯在他對記者進(jìn)行的職業(yè)研究中所強(qiáng)調(diào)的。 因?yàn)槲覀兩钤谝粋€男人的世界,我們沒有能力讓這些發(fā)生在酒吧中的事發(fā)生在那些令我們感到自在些的地方(比如格雷夫莫里斯酒吧—聽這個名字就沒戲)。我們只能去那些不那么合心意的酒吧,而且只有和一大群人在一起才有安全感;我們只能自己勻出合適的時間,尤其是下班后或開完會(即擠出不用照顧孩子和家人的自由活動時間);我們只能自己為自己買單,或是乖乖接受男人請客的美意——僅僅是一種特別的方式提醒所有人我們已婚的狀態(tài)。這些男人幾乎難以覺察的微妙之處意味著一些女性不得不跳出其工作或社交領(lǐng)域,而剩下的那些則在男人的海洋中孤立無援,除非她們從事于那些極少數(shù)的女性工作。因此,我們?nèi)栽诶^續(xù)抗?fàn)帯? 當(dāng)然,我需要重申的是,并非所有的酒吧都如此,也有一些酒吧甚至可以被稱為屬于我們自己的小酒館(當(dāng)然這也非絕對,是有條件的)。但是,且不論酒吧在社會生活各個方面的重要性,我們應(yīng)該關(guān)注的是男性飲酒的酒吧文化是如何運(yùn)作的——因?yàn)檫@也是本書對男性俱樂部等其他男性場所進(jìn)行調(diào)查研究的基礎(chǔ)和起點(diǎn)。那些僅限男性的場所同樣對女性緊閉大門,甚至有著比最惡劣的酒吧還更嚴(yán)格死板的規(guī)則與條例,而且通常還帶有附加規(guī)定來保證其存在的秘密性。 建立在大批??团c潛規(guī)則基礎(chǔ)上的酒吧文化不論和諸如扶輪國際分社的工人俱樂部,還是和倫敦西區(qū)的精英階層俱樂部相比,都有許多重合的地方。在酒吧中,一個男人,有時甚至一群男人,常常會騷擾他們認(rèn)為不屬于這里的女性。而在工人俱樂部中,我們待會會看到,類似的事件也會發(fā)生:一群自封為男性監(jiān)護(hù)人的男人們,為了排擠女性制定了一系列僅限男士入內(nèi)的條例。而另外那些支持這群人的男人們,雖然態(tài)度比較被動消極,但為了自己的利益也絕不會站出來阻止。在扶輪國際社與共濟(jì)會中,這種規(guī)定就更為嚴(yán)格,而且扶輪國際社和英國國教的那些強(qiáng)硬的核心人物是寧愿威脅要解散這個組織也不可能讓任何一名女性加入的。倫敦西區(qū)俱樂部的會員則高枕無憂:即使這些規(guī)矩很偶然地受到了挑戰(zhàn),俱樂部的員工也仍然會強(qiáng)制執(zhí)行。樣本Men OnlyAn Investigation into Men’s OrganizationsBarbara RogersPart One Men’s Territory1. PubsChapter I. ‘Getting away from the wife’We know about pubs. At least, we know about the ones we’ve been in. no longer a male domain, pubs have been opened up to women. Or have they? It is worth stepping back and looking at the pub scene, how it has and hasn’t changed since the establishment of ‘the pub’ as a major social institution in the last century, and the invisible barriers which still persist at different times of day, in different parts of the put, with different facilities, and between one pub and another. Pubs are very important institutions in Britain, not just as your ‘local’ where you can relax and be with friendsor go for a drink whenever you feel like spending time doing nothing in particularbut also because they are still very important as meeting places. Political parties, trade union branches and a variety of other meetings take place in the room over the pub, and adjourn downstairs for the gossip. Last, but by no means least, the pub is important in the context of menonly meeting places because it is a public place, however restricted y custom and practice. Observations of how men use pubs can provide us with important clues to the psychology of other menonly gathering places including those which are ‘secret’, like the masons, or ‘elite’, like the West End clubs for top men. Let’s start, then, by a little tour of some pubs to refresh our memories of what they are likeincluding the bits where we are not wele, and where we also choose not to go. Out of sight: out of mind. This is an area where the appearance of a woman as observer affects the scene being observed and it seemed best to get a man to survey the scene. So intrepid Men Only researcher James Marsh did a pub crawl in one area of London, Whitechapel, chosen after a tour of the East End as fairly typical. It is a mixture of traditional workingclass variety of pubs serving the different groups of regulars. The visits were made between and 11 . on a Friday night, the time when men traditionally go to the pub for some serious drinking, and women are also more likely to be going out. The first pub he visited was The Lord Rodney’s Head in the Whitechapel Road. From the outside it looked drab and uninviting and it turned out to be a stereotyped working men’s pub, austerely furnished (probably last decorated in the 1950s) with few pretensions to fort and none to drink that the pub offered. The clientele was exclusively malemiddleaged to old men, drinking in small groups or on their own. He was greeted with a certain amount of suspicion and hostility, both by the proprietor and the customers he approached. They seemed to resent any intrusion on their drinking time and to regard any interest in pubs beyond their function as drinking holes as quite ridiculous. An old Irishman summed up the attitude of the pub: “I’m here to drink beer. Everything else if fucking nonsense.” This was repeated several times to make sure the point was properly understood. With persistence though, James managed to get one of the solitary drinkers to talk to him rather grudgingly. He was a married middleaged man, who worked for the Gas Board and he came to the pub for a few pints after work before going home for his dinner: this was a daily ritual. What he wanted form the pub basically was a place to drink, without fr