【正文】
associated with had e to an end without the majority of American women having gained access to arenas outside the home. The fact that women are now in the labor force and the public arena to stay makes it hard to imagine that feminism and what it stands for could disappear again. This is a measure of progress. Probably feminism will continue to be a major political current in the United States, though perhaps not based in any movement, and in that sense a cultural as well as a political phenomenon. Over the last two decades other movements have followed the same trajectory as the women’s movement. The environmental movement is a clear case: once consisting of large numbers of people engaged in political activity, it now consists on the one hand of a series of staffdriven organizations, and on the other, of a large sector of people who consider themselves environmentalist, or who have an environmental consciousness, but who take action on environmental issues largely in individual ways, such as in their shopping habits and in recycling. A similar argument could be made about the AfricanAmerican movement, whose organizations have shriveled while militant forms of racial and ethnic consciousness have expanded, at least culturally, among young people. To some degree this expansion of various forms of consciousness going way beyond the borders of the movements in which they first emerged shows the lasting influence of those movements. But it also has to do with what appears to be the decline of political and protest movements, and the difficulty of finding pelling forms of political engagement. The tendency of the political to collapse into the cultural, even as it connotes a measure of triumph, weakens the left. Source: Barbara Epstein (1995). Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement 婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)后 的 女性意識(shí) 芭芭拉 大部分許多認(rèn)為自己是女權(quán)主義者的女性 ,總是積極地參與女權(quán)主義組織而不是僅僅在在報(bào)紙閱讀與他們相關(guān)的報(bào)道 。但這不同于一個(gè)群眾性的男女平等的運(yùn)動(dòng)。 女權(quán)主義或原初女權(quán)主的意識(shí)的發(fā)展程度 ,我的意思是現(xiàn)在存在于美國的女性不平等意識(shí)的覺醒和抵制它 的決心 ,是婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的一種成就。即使在六十年代初的新左派 ,把自己當(dāng)作一個(gè)女權(quán)主義會(huì)使人懷疑并可能引起更極端的反應(yīng)。發(fā)生在 19世紀(jì)四十年代的第一波女權(quán)主義普遍地要求婦女平等。雖然婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)還包括工人階級(jí)的女人 ,其中很多都是社會(huì)主義者 ,對(duì)他們來說 ,女權(quán)主義仍然是一個(gè)更廣泛的對(duì)社會(huì)平等承諾的一部分 ,由二十世紀(jì)的第二個(gè)十年 ,激進(jìn)主義是婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)中的一個(gè)小趨勢。 第二波女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)則是不 同的。這往往使性別不平等與的其他不平等,特別是階級(jí)和種族這種不平等是有關(guān)的這一說法變得可信。同時(shí),他們也得益于扶持行動(dòng)。毫無疑問,女權(quán)意識(shí)在某種程度上還在持續(xù),因?yàn)樗粡V泛地理解為它的目標(biāo)還沒有實(shí)現(xiàn),許多離開了婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的婦女仍然致力于實(shí)現(xiàn)其目標(biāo)。布什總統(tǒng)在每周廣播講話中發(fā)言, 2020年 11月 17日,支持布什政府的理由是因?yàn)樗喾穸▼D女的權(quán)利。女權(quán)主義如何成為現(xiàn)代西方社會(huì)接受的一部分,而不是它的敵人? 美國女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的第二次浪潮的出現(xiàn)與經(jīng)濟(jì)轉(zhuǎn)型有關(guān),它使得女性勞動(dòng)擁有永久性的基礎(chǔ)。 工薪階層的人 ,包括移民群體 ,努力實(shí)現(xiàn)這個(gè)想法。為了在社會(huì)各階層獲得更大的性別平等,女權(quán)主義面臨很大壓力 ,這種狀況改變了美國婦女的生活以及美國特有的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)。盡管四,五十年代的基本家族是基于男權(quán)至上 ,不穩(wěn)定增長的家庭生活也對(duì)女性也幾乎沒什么好處。 因此 ,在過去二十年的女性意識(shí)甚至作為一個(gè)有組織婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)擴(kuò)散。這是一個(gè)衡量其發(fā)展深度的方法。一個(gè)類似的論點(diǎn)可以對(duì)非裔美國人的運(yùn)動(dòng)進(jìn)行闡述 ,他的組織已經(jīng)是無能為力的,然而激進(jìn)形式的種族和民族意識(shí)擴(kuò)大 ,至少從年輕人的文化角度上是這樣的。 外文來源: Barbara Epstein (1995). Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement