【正文】 engages the energy of very large numbers of women is receding into the past. But this time feminist consciousness has if anything bee more widespread. This raises the question: what accounts for this difference? How and what does feminism change when it bees a cultural current rather than a movement for social change? In part this different history may have to do with the disparities between the first and second waves of feminism. The first wave of feminism began, in the 1840s, as a demand for women’s equality generally. The women’s movement emerged out of the abolitionist movement, and at first feminism was part of an egalitarian worldview, closely connected to antislavery and antiracism. But in the last decade of the nieenth century, and to an even greater degree over the first two decades of the twentieth, mainstream feminism narrowed to the demand for woman suffrage. Leading feminists, mostly middle and uppermiddleclass, nativeborn white women, even made racist and antiimmigrant arguments for woman suffrage. Though the women’s movement also included workingclass women, many of them are socialists, for whom feminism remained a part of a broader mitment to social equality, by the second decade of the twentieth century, radicalism was a minor current within the women’s movement. Emma Goldman, who bined determination to resist the oppression of women with anticapitalist politics, was not typical of feminists of the first two decades of the century. For most feminists, and for the public, feminism had e to mean the vote for women and little more. Once suffrage was won, feminism lost its raison d’etre and so had little future either as a movement or as consciousness. The second wave of the women’s movement turned out differently. It did not narrow ideologically, nor did it run into any dead end, as its predecessor had. If anything over time the radical currents within the movement gained influence。在美國有許多組織 ,包括從全國婦女組織到女性工會黨團會議和專業(yè)團體 ,它們?yōu)閶D女爭取權(quán)利 ,并且有更多的機構(gòu) ,其中許多包括男人和女人 ,其重點是解決婦女問題?，F(xiàn)在有大量的女性認同女權(quán)主義 ,然而 ,即使他們不愿意貼上此標(biāo)簽 ,她們也期望享受和男性平等的權(quán)利。但這一次女權(quán)主義意識反而已經(jīng)變得更加普遍。對于大多數(shù)女權(quán)主義者和公眾 ,女權(quán)主義越來越意味著婦女的選舉權(quán)。加爾布雷斯稱，這些女性都是 80年代和 90年代“文化的滿足感”的受益者。在9 .11恐怖襲擊之后 ,一些評論員認為阿拉伯女性的不平等標(biāo)志著一個世界文化鴻溝，即 :拒絕女權(quán)主義就是拒絕現(xiàn)代化與西方世界。外出工作的 其中大部分也是黑人或移民。不僅女性仍然比男性掙得少 ,但在貧困階層的 ,單身女性和他們的孩子占支配地位。 女權(quán)運動的第一次沖擊很有可能會就此減弱并消失因為這次與其牽連的婦女運動在沒有美國婦女主體即那些已經(jīng)獲得走出家庭去往職業(yè)競爭平臺道路的美國女性的支持下已經(jīng)走到了盡頭。但它同時似乎與 政治和抗議運動的衰落 有關(guān) ,并且 很難找到令人信服的政治參與形式 。 在過去的二十年里其他運動和婦女運動一樣都遵循同樣的軌跡。明顯的偏離這一原則是一種公開的挑戰(zhàn) ,在必要的時候，許多婦女準備做出這樣的挑戰(zhàn)。第二次世界大戰(zhàn)期間 ,許多婦女在外面工作 ,但那被理解為一個臨時的 ,戰(zhàn)時的必要性 ,戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束時，大多數(shù)的女工人失去工作。許多女權(quán)主義者，尤其是激進的女權(quán)主義者，認為他們的挑戰(zhàn)男權(quán)至上也是對現(xiàn)有的社會秩序的一種挑戰(zhàn)。許多人認為他們可以繼續(xù)工作 ,這些目標(biāo)在競技場 ,主要是專業(yè)的 ,他們進入。久而久之，這種激進的潮流隨時間的推移產(chǎn)生了影響 。但在十九世紀最后十年 ,甚至更大的程度地到了 20世紀前兩個十年 ,主流女權(quán)主義縮小到對婦女投票權(quán)的需求 。當(dāng)美國的第一波婦女運動在 1921年婦女選舉權(quán)是贏得勝利后進入衰退期 ,女權(quán)主義走向衰落。他們更傾向于加入反企業(yè) ,反全球化 ,或者社會公正團體。 most of the few who