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【正文】 因?yàn)槿祟悓W(xué)家往往對社會規(guī)范和偏好如何出現(xiàn)、發(fā)展和各不相同的文化感興趣,這些博弈能夠?yàn)樽鰧?shí)證研究的人類學(xué)家提供一個(gè)有力的工具。5. 結(jié)論博弈論已經(jīng)以兩種途徑在廣泛的社會科學(xué)中被證明是有用的:通過提供對社會情況剖析的分類;和通過對自利主義的參與者實(shí)際表現(xiàn)會如何做出精確預(yù)測。(很多對這種觀點(diǎn)有貢獻(xiàn)的觀點(diǎn)指出,此類實(shí)驗(yàn)多參與者來說有不同尋常的樂趣,可能比大學(xué)生玩Nintendo世界,500頻道有線電視,和網(wǎng)上沖浪更有樂趣。另一個(gè)優(yōu)點(diǎn)是可重復(fù)性。這種觀點(diǎn)的一個(gè)重要的修改是,進(jìn)化沒有配備所有的人具有相同的硬連線的本能進(jìn)行博弈,而替以創(chuàng)造學(xué)習(xí)社會規(guī)范的能力。進(jìn)化建立專門的有效地重復(fù)博弈的認(rèn)知啟發(fā)式演化。在經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)中,對上述結(jié)論的方式的主導(dǎo)的解釋是,代理商有社會偏好(或“社會效用”),考慮到收益和別人可能的意圖在內(nèi)。在博弈論中最核心的概念是納什均衡。博弈論由兩個(gè)不同理論組成:(1)使用博弈作為一種語言或分類來解析社會;(2)通過假設(shè)參與者最大化預(yù)期“效用”(自我價(jià)值)的重要性獲得關(guān)于參與者如何進(jìn)行一次博弈的精確預(yù)測,預(yù)先計(jì)劃,并形成對其他參與者類似行為的猜想。博弈論可以靈活的在許多細(xì)節(jié)層次的學(xué)科范圍廣泛使用。行為規(guī)律在隨后的偏好互惠利他主義中被解釋為不公平厭惡或利他主義。接下來我們首先在廣泛的術(shù)語中草擬理論。社會偏好的性質(zhì)可能將對維持共享食物的社會機(jī)制產(chǎn)生很大影響。利他主義是無私的奉獻(xiàn),而互惠意味著以其他參與者的歷史行為為條件的非自利行為。互惠意味著人們愿意獎(jiǎng)賞友好的行為和懲罰不利的行動(dòng),即使獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)或懲罰導(dǎo)致實(shí)施獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)或懲罰的人的物質(zhì)報(bào)酬凈減少。在其他情況下,這些人花費(fèi)資源來增加別人的回報(bào)。“社會偏好”指的是人們?nèi)绾闻判蛭镔|(zhì)回報(bào)給自己和別人不同的分配。 or learning by individuals from experience (., Fudenberg and Levine, 1998。目 錄外文文獻(xiàn) 11. Introduction 12. Games and game theory 23. Theories of social preferences 34. Why do game experiments? And which games? 35. Conclusions 4中文翻譯 4 4 5 6?用什么博弈? 65. 結(jié)論 6外文文獻(xiàn)Measuring Social Norms and Preferences using Experimental Games: A Guide for Social Scientists Colin F. Camerer and Ernst Fehr1. Introduction The purpose of this chapter is to describe a menu of experimental games that are useful for measuring aspects of social norms and social preferences. Economists use the term “preferences” to refer to the choices people make, and particularly to tradeoffs between different collections (“bundles”) of things they value—food, money, time, prestige, and so forth. “Social preferences” refer to how people rank different allocations of material payoffs to themselves and others. Selfinterested individuals care only about their own material payoffs. The past two decades of experimental research have shown, however, that a substantial fraction of people in developed countries (typically college students) also care about the payoffs of others. In some situations, many people are willing to spend resources to reduce the payoff of others. In other situations, the same people spend resources to increase the payoff of others.As we will see, the willingness to reduce or increase the payoff of relevant reference actors exists even though people reap neither present nor future material rewards from reducing or increasing payoffs of others. This indicates that, in addition to selfinterested behavior, people sometimes behave as if they have altruistic preferences, and preferences for equality and Reciprocity, as we define it here, is different from the notion of reciprocal altruism in evolutionary biology. Reciprocity means that people are willing to reward friendly actions and to punish hostile actionsalthough the reward or punishment causes a net reduction in the material payoff of those who reward or punish. Similarly, people who dislike inequality are willing to take costly actions to reduce inequality although this may result in a net reduction of their material p
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