【正文】 however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960). The first largescale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925). On being the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the 1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country‘s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second largescale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for acmodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central square, new streets, a bank, an 北京科技大學(xué)本科生畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)（論文） 23 institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and Europeanstyle shops, were, according to a British observer, a ??twofold renaissance‘‘ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300). The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted from 1925 to 1979. The new regime‘s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport work, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread roadwidening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor vehicles, the regime‘s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ??radically replanned and rebuilt‘‘ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport work of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal pound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter。 北京科技大學(xué)本科生畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)（論文） 18 結(jié) 論 在京津冀一體化的大背景下， 首都非核心職能轉(zhuǎn)移是非常重要的一環(huán)。疏解要以行政手段和市場手段結(jié)合，集中疏解和分散疏解結(jié)合 。 合理確定公共服務(wù)機(jī)構(gòu)的功能定位與布局 首都公共服務(wù)機(jī)構(gòu)的功能定位除了適應(yīng)本地常住居民的基本服務(wù)需求以外，市級以上公共服務(wù)機(jī)構(gòu)主要定位在知識創(chuàng)新和研究以及解決跨區(qū)域重大公共服務(wù)問題，而不應(yīng)當(dāng)過度追求規(guī)模和服務(wù)量，更不能定位在滿足全國需求上。 北京科技大學(xué)本科生畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)（論文） 16 5實(shí)現(xiàn)首都非核心職能轉(zhuǎn)移并帶動京津冀協(xié)同發(fā)展 對策分析 疏解部分產(chǎn)業(yè)功能 堅(jiān)持有所為、有所不為的原則，正確處理好“舍”與“得”之間的關(guān)系，從京津冀協(xié)同發(fā)展的國家戰(zhàn)略高度來重新認(rèn)識首都的產(chǎn)業(yè) 布局和結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整問題，按照首都城市功能戰(zhàn)略定位，以經(jīng)濟(jì)結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整和轉(zhuǎn)變發(fā)展方式為主線，積極穩(wěn)妥地進(jìn)行產(chǎn)業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)調(diào)整和優(yōu)化。就目前情況看，京津冀基本沒有形成配套的產(chǎn)業(yè)鏈，包括聯(lián)系緊密的京津區(qū)域在內(nèi)，能夠?yàn)槠髽I(yè)提供配套服務(wù)的企業(yè)不多，大部分配套的產(chǎn)業(yè)鏈主 要目的是把本地區(qū)企業(yè)消化掉。京津冀也相應(yīng)成立區(qū)域協(xié)調(diào)委員會。僅是作為醫(yī)療中心、教育中心的承接地，北京周邊地區(qū)不少城市都有類似的想法。今年西城區(qū)將積極引導(dǎo)北展地區(qū)動批、天意等批發(fā)市場調(diào)整疏解，依法規(guī)范和撤銷 20 個(gè)市場。截至 2021 年底，以“小百貨、小洗浴、再生資源回收”等為主的 17 類待提升業(yè)態(tài)總數(shù)為 萬戶，這些業(yè)態(tài)中許多是流動人口的自我循環(huán)、自我服務(wù)，造成巨大的資源環(huán)境壓力、城市運(yùn)行壓力和社會管理壓力，應(yīng)予堅(jiān)決清理。要調(diào)整疏 解非首都核心功能，優(yōu)化三次產(chǎn)業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)，優(yōu)化產(chǎn)業(yè)特別是工業(yè)項(xiàng)目選擇，突出高端化、服務(wù)化、集聚化、融合化、低碳化，有效控制人口規(guī)模，增強(qiáng)區(qū)域人口均衡分布，促進(jìn)區(qū)域均衡發(fā)展。 此前保定、承德、廊坊等北京周邊的河北一些城市，都提出了承接北京疏散的非核心功能的提法。過去這些年，人們打破腦袋也要進(jìn)北京城的原因在 于這里有最好的教育資源、最高質(zhì)量的醫(yī)療資源和最巨大的權(quán)力資源。北京從 1990 年起就已經(jīng)進(jìn)入了老齡化社會，當(dāng)時(shí)北京市 60 歲以上人口達(dá)到 110 萬人，占人口總數(shù)的 %。而今，西方社會的普遍現(xiàn)象是富人住郊區(qū)，窮人住市區(qū)。城市中摩天大樓林立并非現(xiàn)代化的標(biāo)志，但由于商業(yè)的需要，為了提高市中心區(qū) (CBD)土地的高效利用，建造高層、超高層大廈的做法成為一種世界潮流。由于知識與信息不能被封鎖，從前各個(gè)民族國家劃地為牢的狀態(tài)將被各國間彼此滲透和依賴所取代，新世紀(jì)首都城市將成為適應(yīng)全球化需要的世界首都。從狹義上說，首都城市是全國范圍的政治與行政中心，是國家政治主權(quán)的化身或象征符號，是國家的縮影和輻射源，首都城市是國家的首腦城市，是國家的信息與指揮中心或 /神經(jīng)中樞系統(tǒng)，其核心功能在于有效地調(diào)節(jié)政治體系、保障公共物品供給、促進(jìn)民族國家整合、維系政治結(jié)構(gòu)良性運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)、以及國 家 /版圖控制功能；從廣義上說，即從世界范圍來說，隨著經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化所帶來的世界范圍的聯(lián)系加強(qiáng)，有些國家的首都城市不僅是一國的政治中心，而且成為所在地區(qū)、洲、甚至整個(gè)世界政治體系的中心或全球運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)的軸心。比如，當(dāng)我們進(jìn)行某個(gè)非核心職能轉(zhuǎn)移時(shí)，應(yīng)該首先認(rèn)清我們不得不轉(zhuǎn)移的原因，不能以偏概全，進(jìn)行“一刀切”。而永清地處大北京經(jīng)濟(jì)圈腹地；永清臺灣工業(yè)新城距永清縣政府 5 公里，距首都北京 40 公里，距天津市區(qū) 60 公里，距首都機(jī)場 80 公里，距天津新港 100 公里，距規(guī)劃中的首都第二機(jī)場 25 公里，區(qū)位優(yōu)勢十分明顯。而先前建設(shè)的市場建筑形式大都只考慮了最基本的經(jīng)營設(shè)施和部分輔助、交通設(shè)施 ， 無法滿足日益增加的其他功能需求 ， 建筑形式制約了功能的發(fā)展。這些市場缺乏統(tǒng)一規(guī)劃 ， 影響了城市整體功能的發(fā)揮 ； 一些市場布局分布失衡 ， 造成 資源與流通空間的浪費(fèi) ； 大多數(shù)批發(fā)市場未考慮與城市整體交通的關(guān)系 ， 大量的人流和車流給城市交通帶來沉重的負(fù)荷。 北京科技大學(xué)本科生畢業(yè)設(shè)計(jì)（論文） 4 （ 6）產(chǎn)業(yè)融合創(chuàng)新發(fā)展能力相對不足?！耙粎^(qū)十六園”中，處于 中心城區(qū)的園區(qū)產(chǎn)業(yè)層次高、企業(yè)數(shù)量多、集聚效應(yīng)強(qiáng)，而處于邊緣的園區(qū)發(fā)展則無法相比。受多種因素影響，目前北京高新技術(shù)產(chǎn)業(yè)的“極化”和“虹吸”效應(yīng)仍很強(qiáng)大，產(chǎn)業(yè)集群對津冀經(jīng)濟(jì)輻射力較弱，集中體現(xiàn)在各種資本、技術(shù)和人力向北京流動。第三，區(qū)域間發(fā)展不均衡。從知識經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展基礎(chǔ)來看，截至 2021 年，北京共有高等教育校數(shù)（所） 179 個(gè)、研發(fā)機(jī)構(gòu) 288 個(gè)、科技活動人員 65 萬人、研發(fā)人員 32 萬人，遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)領(lǐng)先于國內(nèi)其他城市；教育經(jīng)費(fèi)支出占 GDP 比重為 %，不斷接近 4%的國際水平；研發(fā)經(jīng)費(fèi) 1000 萬元，研發(fā)強(qiáng)度達(dá)到 %。s political, cultural, social and economic development, plays a very important role. Facing increasingly serious traffic congestion in Beijing in recent years, environmental pollution, ecological degradation, inadequate public services, public security stability such outstanding problems as difficult, has emerged the city disease. To solve these problems, in recent years has e up with a very important way to solve the integration of the BeijingTianjinHebei region. In this world is rare, however, one of the capital, two municipalities directly under the cent