【正文】 本科畢業(yè)設計 外文文獻及 譯文 文獻、資料題目： URBAN RENEWAL POLICY IN CHICAGO 文獻、資料來源： 期刊 Journal of Urban Affairs 第 31期 文獻、資料發(fā)表（出版）日期： 院 （部）： 管理工程學院 專 業(yè)： 工程管理 班 級： 工管 081 姓 名： 李洪硯 學 號： 2020021014 指導教師： 亓霞 翻譯日期： 山東建筑大學畢業(yè)設計外文文獻 及譯文 1 外文 文獻 ： Advanced Encryption Standard REGIME BUILDING, INSTITUTION BUILDING: URBAN RENEWAL POLICY IN CHICAGO, 1946–1962 JOEL RAST University of WisconsinMilwaukee ABSTRACT: Urban regime analysis emphasizes the role of coalition building in creating a capacity to govern in cities. Through a case study of urban renewal policy in postwar Chicago, this article considers the role played by political institutions. Conceptualizing this historical period as one of regime building, I show how existing political institutions were out of sync with the city’s new governing agenda of urban renewal and redevelopment following World War II. Creating a capacity to govern in urban renewal policy required both coalition building and a fundamental reworki ng of formal governing institutions. It was spring 1964, and Chicago was in the midst of its greatest construction boom since therebuilding effort following the Great Chicago Fire of 1871. In the third of a series of articles on Chicago‘s postwar revitalization, the Chicago Tribune celebrated the acplishments of the past 10 years: more than six million square feet of new office space constructed downtown。 nearly 1,000 acres of ―blighted‖ land cleared for new development。 a total of 27 urban renewal projects pleted, under way, or approved for construction。 a new convention center built on the lakefront。 and the emergence of O‘Hare International Airport as ―the world‘s finest jet terminal‖ (Gowran, 1964). Under the leadership of Richard J. Daley, elected mayor in 1955, Chicago‘s massive urban renewal program would eventually rank first among . cities in total federal dollars received (Chicago Tribune, 1968). The acplishments of Chicago‘s urban renewal program during Mayor Daley‘s first decadein office are all the more remarkable when examined alongside the record of his predecessor as mayor, Martin H. Kennelly. Plans for urban renewal in Chicago, orchestrated largely by business leaders, were under way when Kennelly was elected mayor in 1947. Kennelly enthusiasticallyembraced the business munity‘s redevelopment agenda and eagerly sought federal funding forslum clearance and public housing. However, urban renewal quickly became mired in controversy,stalling progress on numerous fronts. Of a total of eight slum clearance and redevelopment projectsinitiated during the Kennelly administration, none had been pleted by the time Kennelly leftoffice in 1955. Downtown redevelopment was still largely at a standstill, 山東建筑大學畢業(yè)設計外文文獻 及譯文 2 with only one new officetower under construction.. How was Chicago‘s urban renewal program transformed from its origins as a weak andconflictridden initiative into the political and economic steamroller it ultimately became underthe leadership of Richard J. Daley? Scholars of urban political development have identified thepostWorld War II era as a period of regime building (Cummings, 1988。 DeLeon, 1992。 Ferman,1996。 Levine, 1989。 Mollenkopf, 1983。 Spragia, 1989。 Stone, 1989). In what Robert Salisbury(1964) called ―the new convergence of power,‖ city officials across the country formed sustained, multiissue alliances with local business leaders around urban renewal and redevelopment. According to urban regime theorists, the success of postwar redevelopment efforts was determinedmore by the strength and cohesiveness of such coalitions—or ―regimes‖—than by the formalpowers of local government (Stone, 1989。 Stone amp。 Sanders, 1987). Effective governance in development policy was achieved when resources controlled by government and nongovernmentalactors (mainly business) were deployed around a shared agenda. What mattered most, in otherwords, was not the formal machinery of local government or local political institutions but theability of public and private actors to unite around a governing agenda mensurate with theresources at their disposal (Elkin, 1987。 Stoker, 1995。 Stone, 1989, 1993). Prospects were particularly good when a resourceful and cohesive business elite was paired with a politically powerfulmayor such as Daley of Chicago. While a focus on informal governing arrangements—in particular, the mobilization of resourcesthrough regime building—explains much about how governing capacity was created in postwarcities, informal arrangements are not the whole story. As Skocpol (1992) has argued, policyoutes are determined in part by the ―fit‖ between the goals of politically active groups and existing political institutions. Governing institutions serve as ―staging grounds‖ or ―rules of thegame‖ for political action, favoring certain political actors and courses of action over others (Bridges, 1997, p. 14). According to Skocpol (1992, p. 54), The overall structure of political institutions provides access and leverage to some groupsand alliances, thus encouraging and rewarding their efforts to shape government policies,while simultaneously denying access and leverage to other groups and alliances . . . . Thismeans that the degree of success that any politically active group or movement achieves 山東建筑大學畢業(yè)設計外文文獻 及譯文 3 isinfluenced not just by the selfconsciousness and ―resource mobilization‖ of that social forceitself. In general, the governing institutions of cities immediately following World War II were illsuited to the task of largescale redevelopment. Urban renewal and redevelopment required strongexecutive leadership and centralized planning and development authority. In many cases, however,the powers of city governmen