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ception of the industrial arts students who can hardly be expected to bee important industrial leaders. In terms of their own inclinations and in terms of their family and other social connections, we can confidently predict that, barring a revolution, many of these boys from the elite schools will be among the industrial leaders of the Peru of tomorrow. Do these boys show the psychological qualities required to push Peru ahead more rapidly along the path of industrial development? Are they willing to do their own work and show some degree of independence, or do they prefer to rely on personal connections for reaching their goals? For measurements in this area, we used more than twenty items, most of them newly devised for our questionnaire. Nearly all of them showed systematic differences according to social status. Let me present several items from this area. In looking for work, what type of remendation would you prefer to have? We offered two possibilities: That of a person of recognized prestige but who does not know you or That of a person of much less prestige but who knows you well. Only percent of the public school boys picked the high prestige stranger. In our private school population, the percentage was . 39。s principal source of foreign exchange. One of the top figures in the fishing and fishmeal industry and in the trade association to market its product, at the age of thirtyone at this writing, Sr. Banchero is now branching out into other industrial enterprises. None of these men had any assistance from the government in getting their enterprises started or at any crucial stage. But who are these men? D39。Onofrio is the dominant concern in manufacturing chocolates and all kinds of candies, cookies, and ice cream. Thirty years ago, Oscar Ferrand, the son of a grocerystore owner, opened a small shop to experiment with the manufacture of glass. Today, Cristal Ferrand is the leading firm in the glass industry and produces such a fine product that it is able to export approximately 10 percent of its production to other markets, including the United States. Less than ten years ago, Luis Banchero, a man who had worked his way through engineering school pedaling petroleum products on the streets, scraped up enough money to go into partnership with an American and set up a plant to produce fish meal from anchovies that are abundant along the coast of Peru. The partner died shortly after this beginning, leaving Banchero to carry on alone. The success of Banchero39。Onofrio started in the icecream business with a pushcart. When Antonio D39。I he most important public utility, Empresas Electricas Asociadas, was founded and is still controlled by Swiss, although Peruvians have invested substantially in the pany. The list could be extended, but perhaps this is enough to show the importance of foreign capital and explain why many Peruvians look with some resentment upon what they consider the colonial status of their country. Why are foreign concerns so prominent in Peru? One American professor put this question to a group of Peruvian university students. Their main reply was that Peru39。畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯 外文題目: CULTURE, INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF PERU 出 處 : Industrial amp。 Labor Relations Review, Jul63, Vol. 16 Issue 4, p583594, 12p 作 者: WILLIAM F. WHYTE. 原 文: CULTURE, INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: THE CASE OF PERU r opr _420 839. . 880 The economists who give their attention to the study of the developing countries are now generally agreed that culture has an extremely important impact upon economic development and upon the pattern of industrial relations found in a given country. Nevertheless, the governments of these countries generally tend to neglect the culture and concentrate their attention upon capital, natural resources, transportation, technical education, and so on— all of these being factors which appear to be more or less concrete. Why is culture generally neglected in development plans? There are certainly several reasons for this condition, and I shall focus our attention on only one of them. My theory is that in the planning of the economic policy makers, those factors for which measurements are readily available tend to receive attention, whereas the factors for which measurements are not readily available tend to be neglected. To the layman, culture appears to be a vague and nebulous notion. It is fashionable these days to acknowledge that culture is important, but if the government planner finds difficulty in understanding what it is and has no idea how many aspects of it might be measured, then he is unlikely to develop plans consciously designed to change culture. For this reason, the development of measuring instruments for cultures may be an essential step in the forward movement of the developing countries. This is a report on one such effort. It grows out of fifteen months of research in Peru on Human Problems of Industrial Development. The project was planned as a series of field studies in Peruvian industrial plants, to be carried out by four Peruvian research assistants, under my general direction. We did indeed carry out the factory field studies we planned, but in the early stages of the project, I became convinced of the necessity for a broad stud