【正文】 Gu, 2007). First there is temporal daily zoning when tourists may see the hutong during the day, but are largely absent during the evenings and nights and when, certainly in the warmer months of the year, the alleyways bee a centre of social interaction for local people. Thus, the current parative absence of hotel building is a means of preserving the hutong as a social entity. Second, there is seasonality when levels of tourism fall in winter. Temporal zoning thus aids place attachment by generating increased tolerance for tourism by providing periods of respite from the pressures induced by tourism. From the perspective of the wider literature, the study shows how a strong sense of place and living heritage informs responses to tourism. In this speci?c context, this understanding of the hutong as a special location of architecture and social interaction had more of an impact than the issue of economic gain. This is contrary to many ?ndings derived from the Englishspeaking world and is shown by the low overall mean scores allocated to the items measuring economic impacts. Yet, there is an important caveat arising from the distribution of scores on these items. Attitudes toward economic impacts did play a signi?cant role as a discriminating variable in attitudes towards further tourism development. One reason for this was the differences displayed between two subgroups, namely a difference partly based upon age and second the perceived attractiveness of a job within the tourism industry. In that sense, the asking of a question about the attractiveness of such employment proved to be a pertinent item, and for other researchers it may well be worth asking this in addition to asking whether the respondent is actually employed in the industry. The importance of age as a variable has, it is suggested, something to do with the nature of place attachment as conceptualized above. Younger people, especially during recent decades in China, have been socialized at a period of rapid economic and social change where change is often deemed to be progress. For them, senses of place attachment are not necessarily formed in a context of lack of infrastructure change or social evolution. Indeed, change may be a prerequisite of forming place attachment, for change is an attraction and not a threat. These considerations might account for the failure of the data to produce estimates of good ?t when applied to the structural equation modelling of Fig. 4. Equally, the discussion of place attachment can be related to theories of personality. Kelly (1963, ) refers to group expectancies and the manner in which the young adopt ‘negativistic’ roles to be contrary to expected behaviours but wind up ‘using the very same dimensional system his (sic) parents use.’ Thus, the younger person may express dissatisfaction with the status quo of the hutong, yet within their life experience of Beijing at this date, their experiences have been wholly experiences of change. Consequently, perceptions of change of the hutong and place attachments may well be expressed in statements of ambiguity and inconsistency. In the qualitative study not reported here, examples of inconsistent attitudes and at times careful delineations of positive and negatives were found. For example, younger people would enjoy the night atmosphere of restaurants at the lakes, but might plain of an inability to spend money there—so thereby enjoying a place attachment of being ‘fashionable’ but equally feel in part excluded other than in a ‘hanger on role’. But ‘hanging on’ in itself contributes to the summer sense of activit。因此，建議今后關于中國旅游業(yè)影響的研究應當考慮更為廣泛的社會和經(jīng)濟問題。總之，本研究的原始構(gòu)思可能是有限的，它非常注重評估居民對胡同的認同和對由旅游業(yè)引起的變化的反應。這些不僅暗示著現(xiàn)有研究的失敗，也暗示著以往文獻的失敗，因為只集中在由旅游引起的變化的研究沒有將旅游業(yè)同可能出現(xiàn)的更為廣泛的社會經(jīng)濟變化相聯(lián)系。問卷主要涉及旅游業(yè)引起的變化，胡同正在經(jīng)歷著變化，而北京也圍繞它在變化。在這個意義上說，今后的研究應尋求更具體明確的關系：（a）對當?shù)卣缪萁巧母兄?，（b）旅游業(yè)引起的變化和（c）Breakwell（1986，1992）提出的框架下的地方依戀和自我效能。正如Worden、Savada和Dolan（1987），謝（2001），王（2003）以及范、Wall和Mitchell（即將出版的）等評論，中國社會里政府在旅游規(guī)劃的作用過程中無處不在，從而在西方學術文獻的理解中，可能潛在地使作為參與者自我形象的自我效能復雜化。也存在著這樣的例子，一些被調(diào)查者清楚地陳述道到這些問題只和政府相關，而和他們無關。如前文所述，重要的高層次原因有助于建筑遺產(chǎn)胡同作為一種對地方依附強有力的貢獻者展現(xiàn)，以及通過生活在特殊的地方產(chǎn)生的特殊感情。例如，年輕人喜歡湖邊餐館晚上的氣氛，但也可能埋怨沒有能力支付在這里的消費——從而享受“時尚”的地方依附，但是同樣感覺部分排斥而不是在一種“角色的衣架”上。結(jié)果，對胡同變化和地方依附的感知可能產(chǎn)生模糊性和矛盾的聲明。凱利（Kelly 196，）指出年輕人采取的“消極主義的”角色中的集團期望和行為方式和預期的行為方式相反，但是結(jié)束了“使用和父母相同的維度系統(tǒng)”。這些因素可能解釋當數(shù)據(jù)運用到圖4中的結(jié)構(gòu)方程模型中估計擬合優(yōu)度時的失敗。對他們而言，地方依附感不一定形成于物質(zhì)匱乏的情境下或社會改革時期。如所建議的那樣，年齡作為一個變量對地方依賴的性質(zhì)作出如上概念化的理解有幫助。原因之一在于兩個子群之間的差異，即一種差別部分基于年齡，第二種是對旅游業(yè)工作吸引力的感知。然而，由這些項目的結(jié)果分配引起了一個很重要的警告。從更廣泛的文獻角度來看，研究表明了強烈的地方感和現(xiàn)存遺產(chǎn)通告如何對旅游業(yè)做出反應。其次，在冬季，旅游業(yè)有季節(jié)性地下降。當然在一年中暖和的月份里，小巷成為當?shù)匕傩丈鐣煌闹行摹?Gu, 2007）。許多人注意到，建筑物和文物建筑保護并不等同于對一種生活方式的維護，但它是建筑遺產(chǎn)，吸引游覽，旅游使建筑具有了商業(yè)價值，從而為今后的發(fā)展保留了原有的地方標記。調(diào)查結(jié)果顯示了目前對旅游業(yè)容忍度，伴隨著對日常生活干擾程度的日益增長的擔憂以及一些關于旅游業(yè)創(chuàng)造就業(yè)機會和幫助保護胡同本質(zhì)的能力的懷疑。想對所有一直在背后支持我的親朋好友恩師致敬，謝謝大家一路的關注和鼓勵。并密切關注我的寫作動態(tài)，不斷地支持和鼓勵著我，論文的形成離不開兩位老師的諄諄教導。非常 非常反對 反對 不明確 贊同 贊同27．申遺成功后的崀山對我而言意義更重大 □ □ □ □ □28．遺產(chǎn)申報增強了我對崀山的依附感 □ □ □ □ □29．遺產(chǎn)申報增強了我對崀山的認同 □ □ □ □ □30．通過遺產(chǎn)申報我認識到自己和崀山有特別的聯(lián)系□ □ □ □ □非常 非常反對 反對 不明確 贊同 贊同31．現(xiàn)在的崀山構(gòu)成了我生命的一部分 □ □ □ □ □32．沒有別的地方能和申遺成功后的崀山相比 □ □ □ □ □33．申遺成功后的崀山比其他地方更適合我居住 □ □ □ □ □34．現(xiàn)在住在崀山比住在其他地方更讓我滿意 □ □ □ □ □35．崀山申遺讓我更離不開這里 □ □ □ □ □36．今后沒有特殊理由我不會搬離這里 □ □ □ □ □37．遺產(chǎn)申報讓我和丹霞景觀融為一體 □ □ □ □ □38．遺產(chǎn)申報讓我更加珍惜崀山的一草一木 □ □ □ □ □39．通過遺產(chǎn)申報我意識到自己也是中國丹霞的一份子□ □ □ □ □40．遺產(chǎn)申報使我產(chǎn)生了強烈保護當?shù)丨h(huán)境的意識 □ □ □ □ □41．遺產(chǎn)申報增強了我對崀山的歸屬感和根深蒂固感 □ □ □ □ □42．參與遺產(chǎn)申報工作，崀山居民的凝聚力空前增強 □ □ □ □ □43．相比申遺前，我干起活來更帶勁 □ □ □ □ □44．相比申遺前，我們的生活幸福感增強 □ □ □ □ □三、個人資料45．性別：（1）男 （2）女46．是否出生