【正文】 so that, at the same time that the functions of government are everyday being more plex and difficult, they are also vastly multiplying in number. Administration is everywhere putting its hands to new undertakings. The utility, cheapness, and success of the government’s postal service, for instance, point towards the early establishment of governmental control of the telegraph system. Or, even if our government is not to follow the lead of the governments of Europe in buying or building both telegraph and railroad lines, no one can doubt that in some way it must make itself master of masterful corporations. The creation of national missioners of railroads, in addition to the older state missions, involves a very important and delicate extension of administrative functions. Whatever hold of authority state or federal governments are to take upon corporations, there must follow cares and responsibilities which will require not a little wisdom, knowledge, and experience. Such things must be studied in order to be well done. And these, as I have said, are only a few of the doors which are being opened to offices of government. The idea of the state and the consequent ideal of its duty are undergoing noteworthy change。 it now has scores of masters. Majorities formerly only underwent government。 it sends home eight reports per diem to the head bureau in St. Petersburg. Nobody does a sum in the province without some one doing the same sum in the capital, to check him, and see that he does it correctly. The consequence of this is, to throw on the heads of departments an amount of reading and labour which can only be acplished by the greatest natural aptitude, the most efficient training, the most firm and regular industry. (Essay on Sir William Pitt. [All footnotes WW’s.])There is scarcely a single duty of government which was once simple which is not now plex。 and very little is heard of the satrap again unless he send back some of the little people to tell what he has been doing. No great labour of superintendence is possible. Common rumour and casual report are the sources of intelligence. If it seems certain that the province is in a bad state, satrap No. I is recalled, and satrap No. 2 sent out in his stead. In civilized countries the process is different. You erect a bureau in the province you want to govern。 but never before our own day did they assume such ominous proportions as they wear now. In brief, if difficulties of governmental action are to be seen gathering in other centuries, they are to be seen culminating in our own.This is the reason why administrative tasks have nowadays to be so studiously and systematically adjusted to carefully tested standards of policy, the reason why we are having now what we never had before, a science of administration. The weightier debates of constitutional principle are even yet by no means concluded。 but it was substantially true also of paratively late times. One does not have to look back of the last century for the beginnings of the present plexities of trade and perplexities of mercial speculation, nor for the portentous birth of national debts. Good Queen Bess, doubtless, thought that the monopolies of the sixteenth century were hard enough to handle without burning her hands。 there were, consequently, no financiers to be puzzled. No one who possessed power was long at a loss how to use it. The great and only question was: Who shall possess it? Populations were of manageable numbers。 and political philosophy, like philosophy of every other kind, has only held up the mirror to contemporary affairs. The trouble in early times was almost altogether about the constitution of government。 about the nature of the state, the essence and seat of sovereignty, popular power and kingly prerogative。 it is government in action。 and only careful study can supply that light. Before entering on that study, however, it is needful: I. To take some account of what others have done in the same line。我滿懷信心地希望這種研究將會從這樣的建議中成長起來。到處都有類似的公民自由的原則在促進類似的政府手段的發(fā)展。這傾向首先是出現(xiàn)在像大不列顛帝國這類有許多部分所組成的聯(lián)邦，而最后則是出現(xiàn)在一些大國本身，將會出現(xiàn)具有在可以允許的限度內(nèi)實行分權(quán)的廣泛聯(lián)盟來取代集權(quán)化。我們的政府及其各級政府怎樣才能通過給予政府官員大量生活費用補助，來使這種服務(wù)引起他最普遍的興趣？怎樣才能通過發(fā)展他的前程，使這種服務(wù)成為他最珍視的興趣？怎樣才能通過提高他的營養(yǎng)和培養(yǎng)他的性格，使這種服務(wù)成為他最崇高的興趣呢？并且，我們怎樣才能夠使得地方單位以及全國都同樣達到這種程度呢？如果我們解決了這個問題，我們就將再度掌握世界的航向。他肯效力，但不是為民眾，而是為一個不負責(zé)任的部長。在那里每一個地方，官僚都很忙碌。這與德意志的帝國聯(lián)邦結(jié)構(gòu)并不相同。使得集鎮(zhèn)、城市、郡縣、各州以及聯(lián)邦政府的日子都過得同樣充實，同樣在健康方面有保證，使上述每一方都毫無疑問能夠保持自己主人翁的地位，而又使得一切單位都既彼此獨立又相互合作，把獨立和相互幫助結(jié)合起來，這是一個足以使最優(yōu)秀的人物都向往的偉大而又重要的任務(wù)。 我們的職責(zé)在于。簡而言之，穩(wěn)重而且實際的法國才應(yīng)該放在首位，而把閉門造車式的理論擺在次要的地位。首先需要進行的是試驗性的實踐而不是教條式的設(shè)計。作為美國行政科學(xué)之基礎(chǔ)的原則，應(yīng)該是在實質(zhì)上有包含民主政策的原則。這樣，我們便可以對外國政府進行解剖學(xué)的觀察，而不用害怕會把它們的任何疾病傳染到我們的血管中來，可以詳細解剖外國制度而不用害怕血液中毒。只要在思想上保持這種區(qū)別界限——也就是說，只要把研究行政學(xué)作為使我們的政治易于付諸實踐的一種手段，作為使針對所有人的民主政治在行政管理方面實施到每一個人的一種手段——那么我們就會立足于完全安全的基礎(chǔ)之上，并且我們就能夠?qū)W習(xí)外國制度必然教給我們的東西而不犯錯誤。他可以為他的國王效勞，而我卻將繼續(xù)為民眾服務(wù)。如果我看到一個殺氣騰騰的人在敏捷地磨著一把刀子，我可以借用他磨刀的方法而用不著借用他可能用刀子犯謀殺罪的動機。 應(yīng)該指出的是，正是上述已劃分清楚了的行政和政治的區(qū)別界限，使得在行政學(xué)領(lǐng)域中使用比較方法是可靠的。通過這種“媒介物”去觀察我們自己的制度，我們就將會像那些在觀察我們時不帶成見的外國人所能看到的那樣去觀察我們自己。也許甚至英國的制度也與我們自己的太相象了，因而不能用來作為最有用的例證。如果采取拿我們自己跟自己比較的方式，我們就將永遠無法了解我們自己的缺點和優(yōu)點。也許形式愈新穎，我們就研究得愈出色。這種恐懼是不難理解的，但是這種看法不會得到任何一個階層的同意。我們僅需要用我們的憲法把它加以過濾，只需要把它放在批判的文火上烘烤，把其中的外國氣體蒸餾掉。我們的全部政治詞匯都是從英國引進的，但我們卻從其中淘汰了“國王”和“貴族”。但是，如果有某種符合我們要求，可以加以利用的外國的發(fā)明創(chuàng)造，我們?yōu)槭裁床患右岳媚?？我們以一種外來的方式應(yīng)用它們是不會有危險的。這是為了使人們免除這樣一種憂慮，即我們有可能會盲目地引進某些與我們的原則不相符合的東西。 除了適當(dāng)強調(diào)之外，我們還有必要認識到所有相類似的政府，它們在行政管理方面的合法目標(biāo)也是相同的。不妨設(shè)想一下在美國建立一種個人獨裁政府的情景，這就如同設(shè)想要建立一種全國性的對雷斯的崇拜一樣。 當(dāng)前，我們完全可以適當(dāng)?shù)貜娬{(diào)一切政府之間的這種實際上存在的相似性，因為在像我們這樣的國家里，現(xiàn)在正處于這樣的時代：濫用權(quán)力現(xiàn)象很容易被一種勇敢、機警、喜歡打聽而又善于偵察的公共輿論和一種堅定的大眾化的自主性給予揭露和加以制止，這種公共輿論和自主性是前所未有的。不管在動機、服務(wù)、能力方面的差距是如何巨大，一個自由人和奴隸一樣，具有同樣的生理器官，同樣的活動要素。在與行政管理職能有關(guān)的各個方面，一切政府都具有很強的結(jié)構(gòu)方面的相似性。 在經(jīng)過這樣一番比較研究之后，我們便可以充分地給予民主這樣一種榮譽，即對于影響公共福利的一切重大問題，它是用辯論的方式最后加以決定的，它是在大多數(shù)人意志的基礎(chǔ)之上建立其政策框架的。民主國家要準(zhǔn)備肩負起行政管理方面的無數(shù)重擔(dān)，這是工業(yè)和貿(mào)易時代的需要，正在非常迅速地積累起來。雖然我們是有著悠久傳統(tǒng)和經(jīng)過了反復(fù)選擇的民主主義者，我們卻依然是相當(dāng)不成熟的民主主義者。我們并不研究治國的藝術(shù)，我們卻治理著國家。我們是一個講求實際的民族，生來就是如此靈巧，經(jīng)過若干世紀(jì)的實驗性的訓(xùn)練，我們是如此擅長于自我管理，以致我們幾乎不再有能力去發(fā)現(xiàn)我們可能正在采用的某一特定制度的缺陷?；蛘呷绻归_了這種研究的話，也難以看出這種研究的準(zhǔn)確目的。這種方式就是選舉和經(jīng)常性的公開協(xié)商，它可以徹底排除武斷和階級態(tài)度。例如在普魯士斯