文化，產(chǎn)業(yè)關(guān)系，與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展：秘魯?shù)陌咐就馕姆g】(存儲(chǔ)版)
【正文】 nt of measuring instruments for cultures may be an essential step in the forward movement of the developing countries. This is a report on one such effort. It grows out of fifteen months of research in Peru on Human Problems of Industrial Development. The project was planned as a series of field studies in Peruvian industrial plants, to be carried out by four Peruvian research assistants, under my general direction. We did indeed carry out the factory field studies we planned, but in the early stages of the project, I became convinced of the necessity for a broad study of culture to provide interpretation for some of the behavior we were observing in the plants. Nobody who es to Peru to take even a most casual look at industrial activities in the country can fail to be impressed by the scarcity of firms founded and developed by Peruvians, whose families had been in the country for several generations. A large part of the industry is in foreign hands. The railway system was pioneered bya U. S. engineer, Henry Meigs, and is now owned by the Peruvian Corporation, a British concern. The major internal airline, Faucett, was founded by an American. More than 90 percent of the oil production is in the hands of foreign firms, the dominant one being International Petroleum Company, an affiliate of Standard Oil of New Jersey. In mining, the dominant firms are Cerro de Pasco Corporation, Southern Peru Mining Corporation, and Marcona Mining Company, all American firms. The dominant pany in shipping is W. R. Grace and Company— which is also prominent in raising and refining sugar, in textiles and in chemicals. More important in the textile industry is Duncan Fox and Company, Ltd., a British firm. 39。Onofrio is an Italian immigrant. Fenand is the son of a French immigrant. Banchero is the son of an Italian immigrant. And so it goes. In any gathering of industrialists in Peru today, you will find a large proportion of immigrants and sons of immigrants. There are successful industrial entrepreneurs who are Peruvians by birth and by two or more generations in the country, but they are few enough so as to attract attention and make one ask: What is it that makes these men different? One hears it said that some foreign blood is necessary for industrial leadership, but obviously blood is not the answer. There can hardly be any biological explanation for the failure of Peruvians to take to and succeed in industry. This is clearly a matter of culture. For generations, the typical Peruvian economic activity has been concentrated on the land— ownership of haciendas, buying and selling of real estate— and merce, the buying and selling of goods. Manufacturing has not been part of that pattern. The historical origins of this aspect of the culture pattern are beyond the scope of our study. We are concerned with the impact of the culture on industrial development today, and this has been a major focus of our inquiry in the questionnaire administered to high school students. That questionnaire will illustrate for us some of the cultural forces that have held back industrial development. It mil also show us whether the new generation that will be governing the economic and political life of the country in the years ahead has a different outlook upon life from that of its forebears. There are various aspects to culture. For present purposes, I shall concentrate upon the way people think and feel about the world around them— particularly the values that they hold in areas that seem to us relevant for economic development. If these aspects of culture exist in the thoughts and feelings of men, it should be possible to measure them with a questionnaire. The questionnaire providing the data to be presented later was based in part upon the Cornell values study, carried out in eleven U. S. universities during the last decade by Rose Goldsen, Morris Rosenberg, Edward A. Suchman, and Robin N. Williams. One member of my research staff in Peru, Gradela Flores, worked with me to translate the parts of the questionnaire we intended to use and to develop a number of new items designed to test certain aspects of Peruvian culture. We then developed a collaborative relationship with the National Pedagogical Institute of the Ministry of Education, whose staff members provided valuable advice to us in revising the questionnaire, in selecting the schools where it was to be applied, and in opening the doors to those schools. Thus, after two pretests in Lima, we were able between midApril and midAugust 1962 to apply the questionnaire in twelve high schools in Lima and 17 high schools in six provincial cities, representing the three principal regions of Peru: the coast, the sierra, and the jungle. We limited ourselves to male students in the final year of high school, and we applied the questionnaire in all of the course programs available to these students and in public schools and private schools representing every social level up to the most elite group. 18.?4 respondents are included in our sample, 768 of them being in the public and private schools of Lima. The study is still in the early stages of analysis, but we already have some preliminary conclusions for Lima, which seem worth some serious attention. I shall present some of our findings in three areas which seem to us important for economic development and for industrial relations: the status of manual work, the suspicious Peruvian, and the moti
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