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【正文】 che markets through environmental appeals to concerned consumers. Third, ecological modernization theory posits a role for the state in environmental protection, albeit a fundamentally different one from its traditional‘ mand and control’ approach. Instead of imposing rigid regulations from an insulated centralized bureaucracy, in the modern ecological era the state acts to ‘‘steer’’ private actors toward environmentally sound practice, all the while allowing for flexibility and incorporating targeted parties into a participatory process of sitespecific reform. Lastly, ecological modernization theorists identify a new role for environmental movement organizations. According to Mol, ‘‘The role of environmental movements is slowly shifting from that of a critical mentator outside societal developments to 2 that of a critical— and still independent— participant in developments aimed at an ecological transformation’’ (Mol 1997, 142). Movements today serve to generate ideas and build public support for environmental practices while working with state and private actors to develop environmentally sound policies. These are the four central features of ecological modernization theory. Ecological modernization theorists have applied this perspective to interpret developments such as the reduction in packaging waste (Lauber and Ingram 2020), improved industrial energy efficiency (Enevoldsen 2020), and the reduction of toxic waste within the chemical industry(Mol 1995。 business owners, and the state acted together to create a policy designed to advance a more environmentally sound method of farming. In contrast, treadmill theorists see a system that is driven by the united forces of capital, labor, and the state, all of whom have an interest in expanding production with little regard for the ecological implications (Schnaiberg 1980。 Minick 2020). The creation of 5 national organic standards can be cynically viewed as a maneuver that coopted a grassroots movement that was seeking true sustainability, but this may reinvigorate that movement and set in motion another round of environmental improvements(Michelsen 2020a). Some movement activists are attempting to design new production standards that make it virtually impossible to produce on a large scale, thus favoring ecologically sustainable smallscale local farms. Ecological modernization theorists could argue that this is part of the process. Organics may just be a way station toward truly ecologically sustainable production. Of course, the treadmill may eventually overtake any movement innovation, given that the pursuit of profit does. Conclusion Both the treadmill of production and ecological modernization theories offer insightful perspectives on the social processes associated with environmental developments. When looking at the spread of organic production practices and their institutionalization in the form of statesanctioned standards, there is a great deal of empirical evidence that can be marshaled to support either perspective. Social movements, consumers, entrepreneurs, and the state have acted in concert to develop agricultural production in a way that represents an environmental improvement over conventional practices, just as predicted by ecological modernization theorists. But there is also evidence to demonstrate that the forces of capital in conjunction with a pliant state are undermining some of the original environmental promise of organic agriculture in the quest to expand profits and production much as treadmill theory suggests. While this analysis does not enable us to draw definitive c
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