【正文】 so in part by formulating an ideal of government that transcended any particular emperor. ? 而且 ,儒家思想在過(guò)去的兩千年里曾為政府統(tǒng)治的合法性和穩(wěn)定性提供基礎(chǔ) ,這個(gè)記錄超過(guò)了世界上任何其他政府體系。儒家傳統(tǒng)價(jià)值深厚 ,它思想上的靈活性使中國(guó)在歷史上的兩個(gè)關(guān)鍵時(shí)期能吸收印度的佛教和西方的現(xiàn)代科學(xué)。 ? China has a chance to follow a new direction because of its traditions. There is much of value in the Confucian tradition. Its intellectual flexibility permitted China to incorporate Buddhist teachings from India and modern science from the West at two critical periods in China39。我相信思考關(guān)于經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)的那些第一原理具有重要的意義 ,因?yàn)?,如果中國(guó)政府把經(jīng)濟(jì)問(wèn)題僅僅看作是一系列技術(shù)問(wèn)題 ,它將不可避免地重蹈西方經(jīng)濟(jì)的覆轍。大家曾經(jīng)認(rèn)為日本是中國(guó)最有可能效仿的榜樣 ,但是在過(guò)去十多年里日本長(zhǎng)期深陷經(jīng)濟(jì)泥潭 ,使人們懷疑它作為榜樣的有效性。但是這種增長(zhǎng)同時(shí)也伴隨著許多問(wèn)題 ,比如家庭和地區(qū)收入的不平等 ,水污染和大氣污染的日趨嚴(yán)重 ,高失業(yè)率和通貨膨脹 ,中央政府稅收下降以及隨后而來(lái)的財(cái)政支出下降。Tradition, Modernity, and Postmodernism in the Chinese Economy Clifford Cobb 中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)中的傳統(tǒng)、現(xiàn)代和后現(xiàn)代問(wèn)題 克利福德 科布 INTRODUCTION ? China amazed the world by its rapid economic growth in the period since 1978. But that growth has been acpanied by many problems. Those problems include growing inequality among families and among regions, an increase in water pollution and air pollution, periods of high unemployment or inflation, and a declining capacity of the central government to collect enough revenue to provide services. 序言 ? 自 1978年以來(lái) ,中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)持續(xù)快速增長(zhǎng) ,震驚世界。 ? All of these problems have solutions. But those solutions cannot be found in the policies set by Western nations. All of them have experienced the same problems. Even Japan, which might have seemed the most appropriate model for China, has been caught in an economic trap for over a decade, raising serious doubts about its usefulness as an example to follow. ? 所有這些問(wèn)題都能得到解決 ,只是解決方案不可能從西方國(guó)家已有的政策中去尋找 ,因?yàn)樗鼈円惨呀?jīng)長(zhǎng)期陷入以上同樣的問(wèn)題而無(wú)法自拔。 ? Although I will talk about specific economic policies that China might consider, my emphasis will be on the philosophical premises behind economic ideas. I believe it is important to think about the first principles of economy and society, because if the Chinese government thinks about economics only as a series of technical problems, it will inevitably follow the lead of the West. If China is to chart a new course, it must do so on the basis of a new way of thinking. . ? 盡 管我將討論中國(guó)所面臨的具體經(jīng)濟(jì)政策問(wèn)題 ,我討論的重點(diǎn)將是經(jīng)濟(jì)觀念背后的哲學(xué)前提。如果中國(guó)試圖尋找新的出路 ,這將是基于一種全新的思路 。s history. Its concept of natural order enabled China to establish a largely selfgoverning social structure that minimized the need for direct government control ? 基于特有的傳統(tǒng) ,中國(guó)完全有可能找到一個(gè)新的發(fā)展方向。它的自然次序概念使中國(guó)能建立一種很大程度上自治的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)而減少政府直接控制。能做到這一點(diǎn) ,部分地是因?yàn)樗纬闪艘惶壮侥承┚唧w皇帝的理想政府的概念。s recent socialist tradition contains valuable elements that should be retained. Although China under Mao Zedong never achieved economic and social equality, socialism permanently eliminated the belief in the natural superiority of men over women or of aristocrats over moners. ? 同時(shí)中國(guó)最近的社會(huì)主義傳統(tǒng)也包含許多有價(jià)值的值得保留的成分。 ? Any new set of economic principles will have to strive for a relatively equal distribution of opportunity to avoid returning to the pervasive social elitism found in China before the 1949 revolution. Aside from Confucianism and socialism, there are almost certainly other traditions in China that can provide assistance in developing a positive framework for development. ? 任何一套新的經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理將不得不力爭(zhēng)作到機(jī)會(huì)分配的相對(duì)均等 ,避免回到 1949年革命以前在中國(guó)彌漫的社會(huì)精英主義。 ? It is impossible for China to consider its future without taking into account its past. That does not mean that China should try to copy any of its traditions exactly. That is never possible. But the closer any reform is to a tradition, the more likely it will be to succeed. ? 中國(guó)在考慮將來(lái)的時(shí)候不可能不把自己的過(guò)去納入考慮的范圍。但是 ,任何一項(xiàng)改革 ,如果它越接近傳統(tǒng) ,它成功的概率就越高。 mobility without pollution or traffic jams。 nationalism without foreign wars. In effect, they do not want to be bound by the internal conflicts of modernity. . 傳統(tǒng) ,現(xiàn)代性 ,后現(xiàn)代主義 ? 自晚清和民國(guó)時(shí)期開(kāi)始 ,當(dāng)知識(shí)分子把目光投向西方發(fā)展模型的時(shí)候 ,許多中國(guó)思想家表達(dá)了一種跳躍現(xiàn)代化過(guò)程而直接進(jìn)入基于某種新原理所建立的社會(huì)的愿望。中國(guó)理論家想要得到西方經(jīng)驗(yàn)的積極方面而不是消極方面 :沒(méi)有失業(yè)的經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展 ,沒(méi)有污染和阻塞的交通 ,沒(méi)有政治不確定性的民主 ,沒(méi)有涉外戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的民族主義。 ? Although no nation has yet found a way to escape those conflicts, many scholars in the West and in China have developed an interest in postmodern thought. In the West, this has been largely an intellectual game, but for China, the stakes are much higher. The issue for developing nations is not merely whether certain academic problems in philosophy can be solved by rethinking the assumptions of modernity. The question for China is whether postmodern ideas might enable it to avoid the problems caused by modernization while retaining the benefits. ? 盡管目前還沒(méi)有一個(gè)國(guó)家找到逃脫這些沖突的途徑 ,西方和中國(guó)的許多學(xué)者對(duì)后現(xiàn)代思想開(kāi)始感興趣。在中國(guó) ,成功的期望更高。中國(guó)所面臨的問(wèn)題還在于 ,后現(xiàn)代主義是否可以使它能避免現(xiàn)代化所帶來(lái)的問(wèn)題而同時(shí)又能保留它的益處。解構(gòu)式的后現(xiàn)代主義是純粹批評(píng)性的 ,幾乎完全專注于討論語(yǔ)言是如何影響思維形成過(guò)程的 ,他們否認(rèn)科學(xué)方法在“任何”情況下的優(yōu)越性。但如果中國(guó)要用后現(xiàn)代主義來(lái)建立一個(gè)新社會(huì) ,它的學(xué)者更有可能從建構(gòu)式的后現(xiàn)代主義得到支持。 ? Before going any further, I need to explain that I am using the word modern to refer to a set of ideas that emerged in Europe in the seventeenth century. It is not a synonym for recent or new. Modern thought is characterized by two basic principles: fragmentation and mechanistic relations. Knowledge is produced by analysisbreaking things into ponent parts and studying each part in detail. The interaction of those parts is entirely mechanical. ? 在作進(jìn)一步討論以前 ,有必要解釋一下 ,我這里所說(shuō)的“現(xiàn)代”是指歐洲 17世紀(jì)出現(xiàn)的一整套觀念 ,它不是“最近”或“最新”的同義詞。知識(shí)是通過(guò)分析而產(chǎn)生 ——把事物分解為組成部分 ,然后對(duì)每個(gè)部分作仔細(xì)研究。 ? In modern thought, social and psychological models are all implicitly based on the metaphor of the machine. In medicine, economics, sociology, and other disciplines, researchers build up knowledge by learning how each part works. There is no need to develop a synthetic framework for these fragments of knowledge. To know all of the parts and the role they play is