【正文】 按照社會主義思想 ,要避免自由市場所產(chǎn)生的不平等 ,詳細(xì)的管理是必要的。這種極端觀點會導(dǎo)致無政府主義 ,認(rèn)為取消政府的存在將是有益的。 ? One form of this libertarian view even treats the law as a product of contending individual preferences. The basic principles of libertarian thought are that exchanges are purely private transactions and that any involvement by government constitutes interference. This pole of the continuum tends toward anarchism, the view that the elimination of government would be beneficial. ? 這種自由主義觀點的某一種甚至把法律看作是個人偏好之間互相競爭的結(jié)果。最近一些年在全世界范圍內(nèi)有一個很強的傾向非計劃經(jīng)濟(jì)的運動 ,一切都讓位于市場力。盡管每個政府事實上都是按照某種“混合的經(jīng)濟(jì)”來運作 ,而處于兩種極端的中間狀態(tài) ,但是我們只有通過研究這兩個極端才能理解我們有哪些選擇。后現(xiàn)代主義對計劃的看法既包括對自然平衡的傳統(tǒng)信賴 ,也接受現(xiàn)代管理的工具性。傳統(tǒng)社會基于社會習(xí)慣而運轉(zhuǎn) ,它是過去導(dǎo)向的 ,而不是未來導(dǎo)向的。然而 ,如果中國能夠找到一種財產(chǎn)權(quán)的后現(xiàn)代思維方式 ,她將能回避其他國家已經(jīng)陷入的泥潭。 ? There is some urgency in deciding all of these issues of value. If China simply adopts the modern concept of individual property rights, it will make all of the same mistakes as the Western nations. If, however, China can find a postmodern way of thinking about property rights, it may be able to avoid the pitfalls that have trapped other nations. ? 解決這些價值問題具有一定的迫切性。后現(xiàn)代主義的方法通過讓全部勞動價值留于家庭并要求社會價值按稅上繳來達(dá)到私人和公共權(quán)利的平衡。在中國內(nèi)部 ,天津、上海、廣州、深圳地區(qū)人民的生產(chǎn)力區(qū)別不完全是因為他們個體上的差別 ,而是因為地區(qū)使得那些城市能捕獲整個國家所創(chuàng)造的價值。如果中國認(rèn)為大部分的價值是社會產(chǎn)生的 ,它就不得不在 WTO中去力爭 ,因為目前 WTO認(rèn)為 ,知識產(chǎn)權(quán)基本上是由個人所產(chǎn)生的。這樣就給予某些個人 ,如微軟公司的比爾 如果這種財產(chǎn)被完全看作是社會的 ,發(fā)明人就沒有理由將其思想拿出來與他人共享 。這是維護(hù)中國的國家主權(quán)的重要因素。不平等現(xiàn)象會使多數(shù)人沒有能力購買產(chǎn)品而損害經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展。日本經(jīng)濟(jì)的長期遲滯和 19971998年亞洲金融危機部分地就是因為將城市土地的價值放在私人之手所造成的。s economic stagnation and the Asian financial crisis of 199798 were caused partly by leaving the value of urban land in private hands. In addition, permitting the privatization of land values causes economic inequality—growing differences between rich and poor households and rich and poor regions. Inequality will also hurt the economy by creating a large class of people too poor to buy the products of Chinese factories. If socially produced wealth is shared, however, the internal market in China will grow, and China will not be dependent on exports to sustain its economy. This is an important factor in maintaining China39。亨利 喬治 (Henry Gee)在1879年所提出的這個計劃后來被孫中山在 1922年采用并成為他的土地改革計劃的一部分。如果那個價值是社會產(chǎn)生的 ,社會就應(yīng)該收取那個價值。任何一小塊土地的發(fā)展往往會增加鄰近土地的價值。 ? There are two types of property that deserve special attention with respect to the source of value: land and intellectual property. ? 考慮到價值來源時 ,有兩種類型的財產(chǎn)值得我們特別關(guān)注 :土地產(chǎn)權(quán)和知識產(chǎn)權(quán)。即使沒有直接地討論價值問題 ,它們也隱含地認(rèn)為價值的大部分是有社會所產(chǎn)生的。在西方 ,人們強烈地傾向于認(rèn)為所有的價值都是某個生產(chǎn)單位內(nèi)部所產(chǎn)生的。要得到支持 ,就必須把這種平衡看作是恰當(dāng)?shù)?。如果中國容許財產(chǎn)權(quán)由人口的小部分所壟斷 ,社會沖突將增加 ,政府得到的支持將衰減。 ? In the process of adopting private property rights, China has experienced the same benefits and problems as Western countries. Productivity has increased, but so have economic inequality and poverty. If China permits property rights to be monopolized by a small portion of the population, social conflict will increase and support for the government will decline. ? 在采用私有財產(chǎn)權(quán)的過程中 ,中國象西方國家一樣 ,既受益 ,也面臨問題。對內(nèi)部的人來說 ,它又有某些公有特征。它與舊的體系在許多方面類似 ,即世系或氏族頭人替他的成員持有權(quán)利。它的失敗使任何形式的集體所有制失去信譽 ,然而 ,沒有理由認(rèn)為它同樣使任何形式的相互義務(wù)體制也失去價值。結(jié)果是 ,國家擁有所有重要的財產(chǎn)權(quán)并因此而照顧所有的人。 ? Socialism attempted to rectify the problems associated with modern property by transforming ownership from private hands into collectives. In many ways this system was similar to the old patronclient relationship of premodern villages, but with party officials playing the role that village leaders and city bosses once played. In effect, the state claimed all of the significant property rights and promised to care for everyone in return. ? 社會主義試圖通過將財產(chǎn)權(quán)從私人手中轉(zhuǎn)到集體手中來糾正現(xiàn)代財產(chǎn)權(quán)所存在的問題。但是現(xiàn)代財產(chǎn)權(quán)的最重要特征是它與群體義務(wù)的分離。土地的使用受傳統(tǒng)支配 ,這也許并不是針對土地的最有效使用 . ? In a modern society, property is owned outright by a distinct entity: an individual, a collective, a business, or a government agency. Land use is governed by private decisions and by public laws. Tradition is no longer enforceable. But the most important feature of modern property rights is their separation from collective obligations. As a result, modern property systems lead to social inequality. ? 在現(xiàn)代社會 ,財產(chǎn)直接由單獨的個體所擁有 :某個人 ,某群體 ,某公司 ,或某政府部門。在傳統(tǒng)社會 ,財產(chǎn)擁有權(quán)往往牽涉到一個相互的義務(wù) ,要么是在佃農(nóng)與地主 ,要么是在家庭與村莊之間。所以我認(rèn)為 ,中國應(yīng)該吸收三種來源 :中國的各種傳統(tǒng) ,現(xiàn)代科學(xué)思想 ,后現(xiàn)代方法對新舊觀念的綜合 . THREE CORE ISSUES ? As a way of considering the direction China should take in economic policy, I am going to analyze three issues and the lessons that might be learned from a postmodern approach that bines both traditional wisdom and modern knowledge. 三個核心問題 ? 為了探討中國經(jīng)濟(jì)政策的方向 ,我將分析三個核心問題并看看能從將傳統(tǒng)智慧與現(xiàn)代知識相結(jié)合的后現(xiàn)代研究方法中學(xué)到什么。后現(xiàn)代意味著包容。兩者都擁護(hù)多元主義、相對主義和對自我的互動式理解。結(jié)果是 ,中國傳統(tǒng)和后現(xiàn)代主義有許多親和力。 ? Because Chinese scholars have never embraced modern thought as fully as western scholars, many of the former have begun to find value in constructive postmodernism. Confucianism and other forms of Chinese thought never separated subject and object or self and the world as sharply as modern thought has done. As a result, there are some important affinities between Chinese tradition and postmodernism. Both reject the pretense of intellectual certainty, purely mechanistic explanations of human phenomena, extreme forms of individualism, and technical forms of rationality that are divorced from ethical considerations. Both embrace pluralism, relativity, and an interactive understanding of selfhood. ? 中國學(xué)者從來沒有象西方學(xué)者那樣完全擁護(hù)現(xiàn)代思想 ,所以他們中間的許多人開始發(fā)現(xiàn)建構(gòu)后現(xiàn)代主義的價值。我的目標(biāo)是討論建構(gòu)后現(xiàn)代主義與中國發(fā)展的實際問題相關(guān)的那些特征。 ? Although there is some overlap in the concerns of two types of postmodernism, there is also divergence. I cannot expand further on the differences. My aim is to discuss a few features of constructive postmodernism as they relate to practical issues in China39。但是它的支持者不太可能去擁護(hù)那些有益于增進(jìn)此類傲慢的理論或?qū)嵺`。 ? Second, since constructive postmodernists agree with the deconstructionis