【正文】 在第一階段運(yùn)用了古老的波斯鮮明的形象和本地的專業(yè)知識，第二和第三階段聘請 主要來自法國和德。其直接結(jié)果是 城市居民從1932年的 31萬 增長 至 1941年的 70萬。舊街區(qū)蜿蜒的街道 向新的街道網(wǎng)絡(luò)變革 ， 目的都是為了統(tǒng)一城市空間，克服 傳統(tǒng)派系的社會結(jié)構(gòu)，緩解貨物 運(yùn)輸壓力 ， 服務(wù)于 軍事 力量 ，加強(qiáng)市場經(jīng)濟(jì)和支持 主力 。零售商 被 鼓勵 放棄舊的搬進(jìn)新的街道。 (Lockhart, 1939, 第 11 頁 ). 新的 林蔭大道建立在被毀壞的城墻和護(hù)城河旁，是一個 218公里的新道路交通網(wǎng)絡(luò)的一部分。到 1932 年，人口密度 以每公頃 105 人的速度 增加了一倍，并有三分之一的人口住在城墻外。因此，德黑蘭 經(jīng)歷了 第三次 主要 的 城市規(guī)劃。新政權(quán)的重點(diǎn) 放在 世俗主義和民族主義， 體現(xiàn)出來就是 集中 的管理 ，現(xiàn)代化的軍隊， 擴(kuò)大的 官僚 ，運(yùn)輸網(wǎng)絡(luò)的發(fā)展，全國性市場的區(qū)域一體化 和 重組城鎮(zhèn)（ Abrahamian， 1982） 。現(xiàn)代直轄市成立于 1910 年，這改變了城市管理的舊體制。首都 這些變化 包括一個新的中央廣場， 新 的 街道，銀行， 8 技術(shù)學(xué)院，醫(yī)院，電報房，酒店和歐洲風(fēng)格的商店，這是 根據(jù) 一個 英國觀察員的德黑蘭 ―雙重復(fù)興 ‖方案所建造 的 （ Curzon， 1892，第 300頁）。 因此德黑蘭 第二次大規(guī)模的城市規(guī)劃工作 做了 容納增長和引進(jìn)現(xiàn)代化建設(shè) 的 改革。德黑蘭 9世紀(jì) 60年代人口由 18世紀(jì)末 的 15000增長了 10倍，現(xiàn)在（ Ettehadieh，1983）古城墻 外的 居住居民 有 100萬 。此 設(shè)計成為 隨后其他發(fā)展 的 框架， 并且對 城市 的成長 有重大意義 ，最終在 1785 年 被選定作為 卡扎爾 王朝（ 17791925） 的首都 。 這里數(shù)千年之前就有人居住 ， 是 11 世紀(jì) 時塞爾柱王朝的首都，但它在中世紀(jì)時期結(jié)束時 衰弱了 ， 那時 德黑蘭開始 發(fā)展（ Lockhart， 1960）。他們都是 以 政 府主導(dǎo)的能力和意愿來改變和塑造大規(guī)模的城市基建工程。 Elsevier Ltd版權(quán)所有 ， 2020年 。 and yet it is expected to have financial autonomy, resulting in controversial ways of implementing or changing planning regulations. It is only charge d to manage its 22 districts, and yet the urban region covers 5 million inhabitants outside the city‘s boundaries. Without empowering the municipality to take full control of planning for its jurisdiction within a democratic and accountable framework, and to collaborate with other authorities in charge of the urban region, planning and management of the metropolis remain less than effective. Conclusion Tehran‘s planning history shows early stages in which new infrastructure was designed and developed by the government as part of its strategy for modernization and growth management. The intensity of speculative development after the Second World War met the demands of the exponential growth of the city‘s population. This, however, needed to be controlled and regulated through a planning process, which produced Tehran‘s prehensive plan of 1968. Within a decade, the revolution interrupted its implementation, and growth could only be managed through piecemeal efforts. The period of reconstruction in the 1990s relaxed some of the limits of the 1968 plan, which showed the urgent need for an updated planning framework. Several planning documents were launched in this period, which show a stronger role for the municipality and attention to policy development. Work on a strategic plan for the city continues today. These plans all have much that has remained unimplemented, although they have managed to some extent to steer the course of events and develop a more sophisticated approach to planning. And yet social and economic upheavals of the past three decades, the intensity of speculative development—especially since the Second World War—and the speed of events seem to have left the city authorities and citizens alike feeling trapped in a turmoil, lagging behind the events, and unable to manage change. The city continues to suffer from a range of problems, including traffic congestion, environmental pollution, and unaffordable property prices. 德黑蘭的城市規(guī)劃與發(fā)展 7 德黑蘭的城市規(guī)劃與發(fā)展 Ali Madanipour 英國紐卡斯?fàn)柎髮W(xué)建筑系規(guī)劃和景觀方向 2020年 9月 25日 摘要： 德黑蘭是世界上較大的城市之一 ， 擁有居民人口 1200萬 ， 都市 人口 約 700萬， 本文主要介紹其規(guī)劃和歷代的發(fā)展， 特別是自 20 世紀(jì)中期，在這個時期城市獲得了其最顯著的增長。. This controversial period of reconstruction was followed by a period of democratic reform, which relaunched an elected city council for the city, which at first caused institutional confusion about its relationship with the mayor and the municipality. The council published its own vision of the city as Tehran Charter in 2020, which was the summary of the principles agreed between council members, nongovernmental organizations, and urban experts at a congress about the subject. The Charter adopted sustainability and democracy as its key principles, which were used to develop strategies for natural and built environments, transport, social, cultural and economic issues, urban management, and the city‘s regional, national and international roles (Shahrdarie Tehran, 2020). Currently, detailed plans are being prepared for the city‘s 22 districts, and work is under way on a strategic plan to link these detailed plans and to guide the future development of the city as a whole. Even though the city is more integrated and democratic than before and has a more coherent approach to planning (Hourcade, 2020), some authorities still see plans as isolated documents, rather than seeing planning as a continuous process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and largescale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2020, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake. Managing change in a metropolis Leaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growth. Iran‘s oil economy is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also show c