【正文】 Urban planning and development in Tehran Ali Madanipour Department of Architecture, Planning and Landscape, Newcastle University, Newcastle, United Kingdom Available online 25 September 2020 With a population of around 7 million in a metropolitan region of 12 million inhabitants, Tehran is one of the larger cities of the world. This paper charts its planning and development through the ages, particularly since the mid20th century, a period in which the city has gained most of its phenomenal growth. Three phases are identified in this historical process, with different types of urban planning exercised through infrastructure design and development, land use regulation, and policy development. _ 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Planning, Urban growth, Iranian cities Planning through infrastructure design and development: foundations for growth The first phase of Tehran‘s planning refers to the period before the Second World War, whereby at least three major efforts set the framework for the city‘s growth and development: walling the city (1550s) , expanding the walled city (1870s) and building a new urban infrastructure (1930s). They were all led by the government‘s ability and desire to instigate change and shape the city through undertaking largescale infrastructure projects. Tehran was a village outside the ancient city of Ray, which lay at the foot of mount Damavand, the highest peak in the country, and at the intersection of two major trade highways: the east–west Silk Road along the southern edge of Alburz mountains and the north–south route that connected the Caspian Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ray had been inhabited for thousands of years and was the capital of the Seljuk dynasty in the 11th century。 however, it declined at the end of the medieval period, when Tehran started to grow (Lockhart, 1960). The first largescale town planning exercise in Tehran was undertaken in 1553, with the construction of a bazaar and city walls, which were square and had gates on four sides, in accordance with the pattern of ancient Persian cities (Barthold, 1984). This set the framework for other developments that followed, and the city grew in significance, eventually to be selected in 1785 as the capital of the Qajar dynasty (1779–1925). On being the capital, the city swelled by courtiers and soldiers, who were followed by trades and services. From a population of 15,000 at the end of the 18th century, Tehran grew tenfold by the 1860s, with a 10th of its inhabitants now living outside the old walls (Ettehadieh, 1983). The country‘s military defeats in its encounters with Britain and Russia had engendered a process of reform, which was now being extended to the capital city. The second largescale town planning exercise in Tehran, therefore, was conducted for acmodating growth and introducing modernization and reform. Starting in 1868 and lasting for 12 years, new city walls, in the form of a perfect octagon with 12 gates, were constructed, which were more useful for growth management and tax collection than for their defensive value. Selection as the capital city and these transformations, which included a new central 德黑蘭的城市規(guī)劃與發(fā)展 1 square, new streets, a bank, an institute of technology, a hospital, a telegraph house, hotels and Europeanstyle shops, were, according to a British observer, a ??twofold renaissance‘‘ for Tehran (Curzon, 1892, p. 300). The city continued to grow and pressure for modernization intensified, which was manifested in the Constitutional Revolution of 1906. A modern municipality was established in 1910, transforming the old system of urban governance. After the First World War, the Pahlavi dynasty came to power and this lasted from 1925 to 1979. The new regime‘s emphasis was on secularism and nationalism, which were reflected in administrative centralization, modernization of the army, expansion of bureaucracy, development of a transport work, integration of regions into a national market, and restructuring towns and cities (Abrahamian, 1982). The 1930s witnessed widespread roadwidening schemes that tore apart the historic urban fabric, making them accessible to motor vehicles. The city of Tehran thus went through its third major town planning exercise. The city walls of the 1870s were far too restrictive for a growing city. By 1932, population density had doubled to 105 persons per hectare and a third of the population lived outside the walls. In addition to demographic pressure, the arrival of motor vehicles, the regime‘s desire to control urban populations and to modernize the urban infrastructure led to a substantial transformation of the capital, in which it was ??radically replanned and rebuilt‘‘ (Lockhart, 1939, p. 11). New boulevards were built on the ruins of the city walls and moats, as part of a transport work of 218 km of new roads. The walled royal pound was fragmented and replaced by a new government quarter。 retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar。 and new buildings and institutions sprang up all over the city. The new street work was imposed on the winding streets of old neighborhoods, with the aims of unifying the space of the city, overing the traditional factional social structure, easing the movement of goods, services and military forces, strengthening the market economy and supporting the centralization of power. The city was turned into an open matrix, which was a major step in laying the foundations for further modernization and future expansion. The immediate result was the growth of the city from 310,000 inhabitants in 1932 to 700,000 in 1941. These largescale urban planning and development phases of Tehran were all efforts at modernization, instigating and managing radical change. However, while the first phase had used distin