【正文】 ” 其他說。這是文化上可以接受的答案： “ 你好嗎 ？ ” 或者 “ 你是如何就業(yè)的呢 ？ ” 得到的反17 應(yīng)是 “ 不錯(cuò) ” 。在與工人面談基礎(chǔ)上的多項(xiàng)研究提出為何雇員在一個(gè)特定的情況下可能感到滿意的一些見解。其他的跡象，包括大學(xué)學(xué)歷的 年輕人 進(jìn)入企業(yè)的立場(chǎng)反應(yīng)， 員工 們?cè)絹碓讲辉敢饨邮芷髽I(yè)的理念作為。這自愿交出的同期數(shù)字是在對(duì)比了 1975 年 后得出的 。這包括增加了破壞的產(chǎn)品和植物 ， 增加 了營(yíng)業(yè)額和缺勤率，并減少?zèng)]有問題的愿意接受權(quán)威。這種做法的 目的是對(duì)這類工作的特點(diǎn)所描述的兩個(gè) NSF 的研究，即上述有關(guān)雙方的生產(chǎn)力和滿意度。 Thorsrud 指出，這些概念在職位設(shè)計(jì)（例如，在認(rèn)識(shí)和衡量他們中）必須納入創(chuàng)造一個(gè)自我實(shí)現(xiàn)的假設(shè)或 “ 霍桑效應(yīng) ” ，以取代自我實(shí)現(xiàn)的假設(shè)，塑造他們的人權(quán)占用期望不大 不 小 的 挑戰(zhàn) ，就 要設(shè)計(jì)工作老年人的工業(yè)模式。 answer from the respondent. Author: Abdulmonem H. Alzalabani Nationality: UK Originate from: British Journalism Review, 2021（ 4） .2529 16 譯文 2 轉(zhuǎn)型與改變 由美國(guó)國(guó)家科學(xué)基金會(huì)（ NSF）資助的對(duì)滿意度和生產(chǎn)力的最近研究報(bào)告發(fā)現(xiàn)了，重要環(huán)節(jié) 在于 提高這兩項(xiàng)成果在改善幾個(gè)有關(guān)的工作變數(shù)方面。 question of the objective investigator receives the 39。simply because it is better than something else. This is in the nature of attitudinal measurement. When we are talking about jobs and work, however, we are talking about certain phenomena that exist in more absolute time and spacesomething that can be measured in a behavioral way and for which behaviors are undertaken. Job satisfaction measures, however, are attitudinal rather than behavioral. They are not measures of onthejob behavior. They are not perceptions of that onthejob behavior. And in fact they are not even opinions about certain behavioral facts on the job. An opinion is an interpretation or report on facts stated in a way that attitudes e into play. If you like the kind of work you do (an attitude), your opinion of the variety or challenge for this job may be more favorable (because of your attitude in general) than it might be for someone else whose attitude toward that kind of work was lower (that is for someone who disliked it in general). But purely attitudinal measures of general job satisfaction do not even measure this sort of opinion. They are always measuring likes or dislikes of the job generally relative to some unmeasured object or event. These are not the only limitations to definition or measurement of satisfaction. Meissner (1976) and Davis (1971) have criticized survey measurement schemes more generally in terms of distance of the investigator from the subject whether in terms of social class or personal concern. How much, they ask, can any worker be expected to tell middle class researchers by answering precoded questions framed by the latter? Their implicit answer is that workers cannot tell us as much as they or we would like. A concluding point, before leaving the critique itself, must include 15 the question not frequently asked— what is the meaning of a survey to a worker who doubts whether the quality of his or her working life can really be improved by such means? One conclusion is that the 39。 or 39。 with certain elements. We are still measuring each one of those specific questions relative to some norm or standard against which to say it is 39。I am satisfied with this job because I have to do it and am thereby able to tolerate it better. I like this job because I have changed this job and thereby made it more tolerable. Thus, means implicitly relative to something else. When we use specific satisfaction measures, we can obtain a long list of 39。I am satisfied with this job because my wants are properly seen to. I like this job because this job is better than other jobs I have known, or than other jobs in this plant39。s state relative to something else: am satisfied with this job because my needs are more fulfilled39。we bee what we do39。negative39。 on the job, and sabotage of product or plant, which also represent workers39。 acts such as 39。s needs. In other words workers may report satisfaction with a job to which they have adjusted their needs or requirements, irrespective of the real quality of that job or of their working life. If these employees see no avenues of escape and if they have made a suitable adjustment, then they could well see their work as satisfactory. When this kind of adjustment satisfaction is measured, it may or may not be measuring a stable characteristic. A most destructive as well as unstable personal adjustment mechanism is onthejob drinking or other narcotic use. To the degree that this characteristic is an unstable one, satisfaction is a less reliable measure of quality of working life. On the other hand, people can adjust jobs and work to suit themselves instead of adjusting themselves to the job. Recent examples of such adjustment range from the harmless or even helpful acts of using room deodorizers and incense, or working ahead to build a buffer stock (to be able to control work pace), to more 39。 differ with education, exposure to alternatives, and with much more. If two workers have the same knowledge about some aspect or oute of a job activity, they can still differ one from another in their assessment of the potential availability and of the importance of these expectations to each of them. In addition, the awesome task of guaranteeing that all aspects of the workplace, which are potentially important to job occupants, are included in precoded measurement makes this wantsatisfaction approach even more general and ambiguous than was implied above. In this light, using concepts like attitudes and wants seems to lead investigators not to measures of what work and jobs are like, but more toward the vagaries of what is known, or is seen to be available, or to the norms or standards that the respondents to job satisfaction studies bring with them. These issues are methodological, but result from the improper, or at least inplete, definition of satisfaction. 13 There are other methodological problems in measuring and interpreting measurement of satisfaction. Satisfaction can also be seen as a function of one39。 expressed as an attitude towards the job as an object defined by society. The narrower of the two, the needfulfilment model, ties fixed human needs (such as those in the