國家外貿(mào)專業(yè)外文資料翻譯---中國的自由貿(mào)易談判：經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)，安全和外交政策-國際貿(mào)易-資料下載頁
2025-01-19 08:23本頁面
【導(dǎo)讀】易和經(jīng)濟(jì)協(xié)定中去。北京的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人認(rèn)為進(jìn)入自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定的時(shí)間相對較快，例如，在2021年當(dāng)馮慧蘭和Gooptu的36個(gè)亞洲國家完成或擬。進(jìn)行的自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定名單，該名單包括12項(xiàng)，涉及新加坡，十項(xiàng)涉及韓國和日本，再加上超過過半?yún)f(xié)定涉及泰國，香港，臺(tái)灣及東盟。然而，中國只有兩次出現(xiàn)在名。從那時(shí)起，中國已成為極有力追求自由貿(mào)易的國家。數(shù)量已占中國現(xiàn)已簽署了自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定的五分之一。員國和由五名成員組成的在自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定談判非洲關(guān)稅的聯(lián)盟，還包括澳大利亞。中國也正在調(diào)查與冰島自由貿(mào)易區(qū)的可行性。本章追溯最近的事態(tài)發(fā)展，并說明選定的自由貿(mào)易區(qū)談判情況。中國文化對中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的利益和戰(zhàn)略方面的自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定的影響。貿(mào)組織的要求，中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人決定加快參與區(qū)域化。有利的貿(mào)易優(yōu)惠，而不提交正式的自由貿(mào)易協(xié)定。世貿(mào)組織已被證明無效遏止這些關(guān)稅和非關(guān)稅貿(mào)易壁壘，使中國的政策制定。策的決策專業(yè)化，這給了中國分析家的機(jī)會(huì)提出建議。
【正文】 ted marketization of the Chinese economy, but that China must further widen and deepen its participation in regional economic integration by means of regional and bilateral trade liberalization China’s leaders should be less wary of the potentially disruptive effects of FTAs at home because they can bargain for prolonged phasein periods that give domestic industry time to adjust. Chinese mentators often point out reassuringly that according to the rules of the WTO, a transition period of up to ten years is permissible in an FTA between a developing country like China and a developed country. Furthermore, Chinese analysts became concerned about China’s exclusion from preferential arrangements. They noted that by the end of 2021, 307 regional trade agreements (RTAs) had been or were being negotiated, and that most of them were FTAs. More importantly, over 80% of these FTAs were negotiated in the past decade. In 2021 alone, 16 FTAs were concluded…but none with Chinese analysts also noted that, although the number of FTAs in East Asia remained small, the AsiaPacific as a whole seemed to be entering into new FTAs faster than many other regions, with many more to The Chinese government was advised to follow the trend and to join the “small group” of FTAs after joining the “big group”of the WTO in order to avoid being marginalized. Besides this defensive motive – to avoid discrimination – two other economic reasons were put forward in favor of FTAs. First, FTAs might help alleviate China’s energy problem and enhance energy security, a key strategic Closer economic relations with oil producers would help ensure more secure and diverse sources of energy. Second, FTAs might enhance the efficiency and productivity of China’s somewhat oldfashioned mand enterprises, partly because of the scale effect and partly because rationalization and modernization would be stimulated by the new petition. Both would make China more petitive in the changing world economy. Against this background, it is no surprise that China began three bilateral FTA negotiations in 2021, first with New Zealand and then with Australia and Chile. It is significant that all of these were crossregional FTAs (or CRTAs). China’s trade leaders made no secret of their intention to use the impending CRTA with Chile as a “bridge” to talks with the Mercosur (the Common Market of the South, which included Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay) and other Latin American countries. In Beijing’s view, Mexico would be an especially attractive partner, given its market size, oil resources and membership in the NAFTA. China’s premier also launched a Trade Policy Dialogue with the EU trade missioner in 2021, setting up a direct channel to EU counterparts distinct from that of the more ponderous ASEM process. China has also endorsed the ASEAN Plus Three vision of an East Asian Community that might lead to a regional free trade arrangement. It has also broached the idea of a Northeast Asia trilateral FTA with South Korea and Japan and has engaged in trade talks with India, Pakistan and the GCC, each of which has the potential to lead to further CRTAs. While it is true that many of these talks may progress no further than trade and investment framework agreements or sectorspecific (“early harvest”) liberalization deals, such as the recent bilateral agreement with Thailand, they provide bases on which China may set up FTAs when Beijing judges domestic and international circumstances to be favorable.
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