【導讀】摘要：亞太地區(qū)的全球化生動地揭示了其在1997-1998年的金融危機。東盟國家認為在危。但是東盟作為一個地區(qū)組織已經大大地被削弱了，它一直在努力重振其影響力。3”的方法已經被視為一個重要手段,旨在加強東盟的地位和相關性。中國-東盟自由貿易區(qū)無。疑是這種方法的一個杰出的成就,但東盟一直在努力保持其選擇的開放性。關注著中美關系的惡化程度,這在一定程度上增加東京和北京之間的不信任。但中國不應忽視了日本和韓國的利益或低估了東盟的電阻來排除美國和其希。望維持在該地區(qū)的力量平衡。在許多方面,建立中國-東盟自由區(qū)是能夠共同參與過程的一個挑戰(zhàn)。在穩(wěn)定性方面的國。不斷擴大的新老成員國，其存在的問題也越來越嚴重。對中國來說,沿海內陸省份之間差距的。不斷拉大也嚴重威脅著國內的穩(wěn)定。中國的亞洲鄰國在一直監(jiān)視中國并且仔細研究中國在對全球化及進。防御同盟的盟友關系。在該地區(qū)則下降了24%。與此同時,中國和日本兩國之間的競爭可能會在未

　　

【正文】 ?c region’s vulnerabilities to the consequences of globalization were vividly revealed by its ?nancial crisis in 1997–1998. The stability and prosperity constituting the Asian economic miracle were threatened, and the legitimacy of many regimes in the region based on economic development was severely shaken. ASEAN states considered the US and APEC less than helpful and sympathetic during the Asian ?nancial crisis, and they found the conditionalities imposed by the IMF unpalatable. Malaysia in fact adopted measures contrary to the remendations from the IMF. It chose to unwind its ?nancial problems internally, behind protective barriers。 and to a large extent, it succeeded. There is no denial, however, that ASEAN as a regional anisation has been much weakened as a result of the Asian ?nancial crisis, and it has been working hard to revive its in?uence. The ‘ASEAN plus 3’ approach has been perceived as an important means to reestablish and strengthen ASEAN’s status and relevance. China’s economic performance in the wake of the ?nancial crisis, its recent membership of the WTO, and Beijing’s eagerness to cultivate ASEAN have resulted in the ASEANChina Free Trade Area being an outstanding achievement of the ‘ASEAN plus 3’ approach. ASEAN, however, has been sophisticated enough to keep its options open, and it appreciates the limitations of the free trade area as well as the formidable problems of implementing it. China did not play an active part in the petition between the Western neoliberal model and the EastAsian stateinvolved model within APEC, but it has been concerned with the danger of a deterioration in SinoAmerican relations and the increasing distrust between Tokyo and Beijing. Improvement of ChinaASEAN relations therefore assumes increasing signi?cance in China’s regional policy。 and enhancing mutual interests and interdependence is obviously the best way to erode the ASEAN states’ perception of the ‘China threat’. But China must not neglect the interests of Japan and South Korea, The ASEANChina Free Trade Area: genesis and implications 275 and 8 underestimate ASEAN’s resistance to the exclusion of the US and its desire to maintain a balance of power in the region. For China and many ASEAN members, economic development remains themost important source of legitimacy for the governments and ruling elites. The ASEANChina Free Trade Area therefore has to deliver not only in terms of economic growth but, hopefully, it should also facilitate the narrowing of the gap between the more developed and the developing ASEAN members, as wellas that between the more prosperous coastal provinces and the poor interior provinces in China. Economic cooperation is expected to generate the goodwill and trust to contain the territorial disputes among the parties concerned, and to promote cooperation in the handling of transnational problems such as environmental protection, drugrelated crimes, etc. The agreement to establish the ASEANChina Free Trade Area represents a challenge to what can be achieved in the mutual engagement process. In the longer term, the development may generate new domestic coalitions and regional coalitions in support of stronger regional economic cooperation.