中國與東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)：起源和影響外文翻譯-其他專業(yè)(編輯修改稿)
2025-02-24 00:26 本頁面
【文章內(nèi)容簡介】 disparities between the coastal provinces and the interior provinces represent a signi?cant threat to domestic stability. As the information technology revolution and globalization facilitate the movements of people, goods, money and information to an unprecedented degree, the economy of scale in the production and trade of goods and services bees increasingly important. The enhanced openness also exposes the vulnerabilities of democratic societies to international terrorism. In the ongoing processes of changes and adjustments in East and Southeast Asia, By the end of the Cold War, the consequent collapse of the former Soviet Union, the emergence of China as a major power and the Asian ?nancial crisis in 1997–1998 is important variables. China’s regional neighbors in general have been monitoring China’s approach to globalization and its entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) carefully. China’s uninterrupted economic growths in the wake of the Asian ?nancial crisis and its entry into the WTO have enhanced its attraction as a market for the ASEAN states. While the ‘ASEAN plus 3’ framework has provided momentum to several promising initiatives in the region and the ASEANChina Free Trade Area has progressed better than expected, the ASEAN states share a strong consensus that this framework must not replace ASEAN, nor should it be seen as excluding other countries in the AsiaPaci?c, particularly the US. The latter’s presence has been seen as an important foundation stone and guarantor of regional security. Japan and South Korea in Northeast Asia, as well as Thailand and the Philippines in Southeast Asia, have defence alliances with the US. It has been and continues to be a major investor too. Obviously there is considerable resentment against US hegemony and unilateralism, but very few in Southeast Asia anticipate and desire the departure of the US. In recent years, Japan’s longstanding position as the economic powerhouse of Asia is widely seen to have been usurped by China. Between 1997 and 2021, Chinese puter and electrical equipment manufacturers more than doubled their sales to Southeast Asia, while Japanese sales of similar products to the region declined 24%. In 1985, Japan accounted for over 37% of the US’s trade de?cit, and the proportion dropped to less than 15% in the ?rst eight months of 2021. In the same period, China accounted for more than 21% of the US’s trade de?cit。 its trade surplus with the US was only US$6 million in 1985, and it exploded to US$83 billion in 2021. China’s export surplus, however, has generated remarkably little political friction in the US, in contrast to the‘Japanbashing’ 6 of the 1980s. For example, China was conspicuously absent as an issue in the US midterm elections in November 2021. Some bankers observe that the Chinese and US production chains have increasingly been integrated in eastern Asia, and that the Chinese support the US dollar. China and Japan are keen to pursue the status of major powers to enhance their in?uence in international affairs, but they are both in support of multipolarity and do not seek a predominant role in the AsiaPaci?c region to the exclusion of the other. The two economies are plementary and they sha
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