【正文】 n, the price of housing is largely determined by its quality. Accordingly, affluent people tend to concentrate in the best residential areas. Good housing attracts highine decisionmakers and professionals. And it is precisely these groups that now oil the wheels of the local economy. When they move to particular places, attracted by the homes and highamenity residential environments, businesses follow close behind. As human capital is a major resource for modern business, this turns the residential environment into a relevant economic location factor. Specifically, it gives more weight to the residential preferences of those whose opinion matters when firms move. As skilled workers and professionals seek to minimize their muting time, firms located nearby have an advantage in attracting and retaining a qualified workforce. Where housing petes with other policy fields for limited resources, housing officials are often called upon to demonstrate the benefits of investment in housing. At present, local authorities seem to be preoccupied with the task of revitalizing and restructuring the local economy. They have less interest in the provision of public goods and investments that serve consumption。 new homes and new residential areas dominate many of the urban landscapes. The increase in the number of homes reflects the development of the economy and the steadily rising level of affluence, as well as the socalled second demographic transition that has resulted in an unprecedented growth of the number of households. This increase readily translated into demand for housing. In some countries – especially those in Northwestern Europe – the demographic changes came earlier than elsewhere。從福利 的意識形態(tài)上說，對比于過去孕育了大型社會住房項目，共享經濟轉型的效益 ，我們認為 福利再分配的理想輸給了自由觀念。 這是 因為技術工人和專業(yè)人員尋求減少上班的時間 ,公司位置的優(yōu)勢會吸引和保留高素質員工隊伍。 因為有大量的直接和間接投資。隨著城市人口多樣化地增長， 許多人開始尋求自我保護，通過從緊密結合的隱私社區(qū)退出和斷絕與其他社會成員來往的方式來避免沖突狀況。 其中的一些 環(huán)境 緊緊 地 跟隨它自身的生產過程，根據決定收益的多少來給予一定的投入。就 其 位置決定而言 ,地方政府準備好制備的基礎設施和發(fā)展一堆商業(yè)地產 ,以期望此后一些公司最終會選擇在此建立場所。 然而在決策實施低水平狀況下，還有另一個經濟方面的住房。 其中，法國和英國是第一個著手檢修住房系統(tǒng)問題了國家。但是在 1970 年代早起，由于此時經濟全球化進入低迷時期，對房屋補助的升級已成為西歐大陸的負擔。這場變革導致 了 房屋數(shù)量正以出人意料的速度增長。 就我們看來，這種增長客觀地 反映了人們對房屋的 迫切 需求。他們嘗試采用金融資源盡可能有效控制并保持穩(wěn)定的借貸， 以促使補助系統(tǒng)的改善。最終，連 瑞典 和荷蘭 這兩個 對福利政策最堅定的國家也進行檢修他們的住房系統(tǒng)。有明顯跡象表明，當?shù)睾偷胤秸畬⒆》孔鳛樗麄冊诮洕鲩L中杠桿的現(xiàn)象越來越突出。與此同時 ,企業(yè)家大力投資并 積極 進行搜尋合適的營地。在這個新的服務經濟全球化的時代，這樣的輸入 正 被廣泛使用：人力資本是地方性的 ,而其他的投入可以便宜地移動到其他任何地點。 從中，我們可以看出，住宅程度的隔離制 度反映了許多社會特征 以及個人需求特性 。據相關資料顯示， 住宅結構曾是凱恩斯等經濟學家為控制經濟而干預的區(qū)域。 為了 利用 有限的資源，住房建設 的政策正努力地與其他領域的政策競爭著， 同時 房屋專員經常被要求證明對房地產投資的益處。 然而 ,沒有特別的需要來恢復過去社區(qū)住宅這個項目。 there are also significant variations in the policy responses, depending on national cultures and political traditions, as well as on the vagaries of the development of the national economies. But wherever state a major policy