【正文】 tween these two segments are smaller. In both groups, there is a tendency to move out of urban apartments and into houses in more suburban, or even rural, areas— notably among the GA segments. However, this reorientation towards family life and security does not necessarily imply that the basic ethos— formed through family life, education and other socialisation agents— is altered. The ethos may still be founded upon the same ideals, but expressed in a different way, through a different lifestyle. This kind of socioeconomic approach may be applied not only to metropolitan areas as a whole, but also to innercity areas, in terms of particular quarters and neighbourhoods. Inner cities are typically diverse areas, involving a mix of public establishments and private dwellings, as well as a particularly heterogeneous and volatile population. Goteborg is no exception to this rule. Turning to the official statistics, one finds that the innercity districts are populated by more one and twoperson households than the Goteborg average, and that ines are neither particularly high nor particularly low (Statistical Yearbook Goteborg 1996). The inner city is a meetingplace, or a meltingpot for cultural and economic capital, as well as for dominant, alternative and oppositional modes of consumption (see Andersson and Jansson, 1998). Obviously, what most urbandwellers have in mon is a paratively greater number of visits to shops, restaurants, cultural events and so on. In particular, the kinds of establishment that are specifically associated with urban space and a dynamic urban lifestyle— like boutiques and smaller cornershops (for example, 7 Eleven stores) and more luxurious department stores that are attractive places in which to stroll (like the exclusive Swedish chain NK)— are more often visited by citydwellers than by people in general. In particular, they are frequented by citydwellers oriented towards Globalism and/or Alteration (Table 2). These mercial spaces may be regarded as the loci of metropolitan life par excellence, enabling lifestyles of impulse and phantasmagoria (see Ritzer, 1999). Stores that are open almost around the clock, and stores offering extensive designerdecor spaces of relative anonymity, cater for impulses of the moment as well as for hedonistic lifeplanning. They also manifest the temporal and spatial image of urbanity— an image decoded and reencoded by its population. Among the CIT respondents, the polarity between economic and cultural capital, as well as between dominant and oppositional modes of consumption, is well illustrated. Furthermore, it is possible to discern a negotiated mode which problematises the opposition between culture and market— a mode that may be labelled ‘postmodern’. The following three sections deal with each of these ideal types, using a few of the respondents as examples. At the centre of discussion are three men of parable age: 浙江農(nóng)林大學(xué)本科畢業(yè)設(shè)計（論文） 5 36yearold market administrator Yngve, 46yearold musician Soren and 49yearold hairdresser Jerry. Some additional quotes will also be used to flesh out the picture. In terms of the RISC segments, these respondents correspond roughly to the IGA, CGA and GA segments respectively. What they have in mon is the typically urban orientation towards Globalism and Alteration. But their approaches to the city diverge. Concluding Remarks As this article has attempted to illustrate, the tension between dynamism and stability, and between dominant and alternative/oppositional modes of consumption, makes the city image a quite plex, even contradictory, constitution. Leading a‘