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眾意見(亞當(dāng)斯和 Hess, 2021)。 在澳大利公共政策上這不是一個新想法,并且它重復(fù)了在 1972年到 75年工黨政府澳大利亞援助計劃,被提議社會參與作 為在當(dāng)?shù)丨h(huán)境上的政府定位的一種方法。 20世紀(jì)90年代中后期不同的是,與占主導(dǎo)地位的政治保守主義政策反映了社會各界使用 一套新的優(yōu)先事項 。 對過去注重再分配的活動已轉(zhuǎn)移到(在總理霍華德的話) 39。的混合 ...它結(jié)合了自由主義的經(jīng)濟政策和 .... “現(xiàn)代保守主義 ”的社會政策 39。為 39。相輔相成 39。元素(霍華德, 1999年)。然而在實踐中,政府已經(jīng)找到了很難罷工 的 平衡指著一個傾向,強調(diào)預(yù)算救濟和咨詢社區(qū)參與,而不是真正的批評者(公共政策論壇, 1997年 。 ACOSS, 1998)。在本世紀(jì) 斗爭 結(jié)束時, 使 社 會上的社會過程的實踐部分仍 然繼續(xù)著 。我們曾認(rèn)為,一個不加批判 的 急于以社區(qū)為基礎(chǔ)的做法冒著 39。成為時尚的另一項政策,幾乎沒有實際的好處的危險(亞當(dāng)斯和 Hess, 2021年,第 21頁)。該解決方案,我們覺得,是一個更周到的方法,它承擔(dān)了 明顯 的學(xué)習(xí)曲線中的 應(yīng)急的 解決方案 , 是拒絕了認(rèn)真的審議意見的 想法 ,以及他們?nèi)绾慰赡?做 出的工作。 考慮良好的政策知識基礎(chǔ)的改變將會成為這種努力的中心方面。經(jīng)濟知識已經(jīng)成為在新公共管理下如此的重要,因此這是不容置疑的功能。這是由兩種困難造成的。首先是那些出現(xiàn)在其它知識結(jié)構(gòu)考慮的排除。 第二個,是與經(jīng)濟知識的實證基礎(chǔ)。我們的認(rèn)識論的論點是,歷史上運用公共管理理念和 起源于知識框架和相對穩(wěn)定的意義的使用手段 所引起(赫斯和亞當(dāng) 斯, 2021 年)。 它們隨著時間緩慢改變著,和社會標(biāo)準(zhǔn)概念支撐和管理活動合法化有著密切的關(guān)系。 在 20 世紀(jì) 90 年代 新公共管理 特權(quán)功能知識主要來自經(jīng)濟管理,推入背景等知識框架 。 這與過去的變化是一致的,只要它繼續(xù)依賴 于 由專家提供的知識。然而在這個時期,越來越多的專業(yè)知識逐漸來自于 以外的模式與私營部門和企業(yè)提供許多新的想法和做事的方式管理自己。 盡管如此,知識是仍然要尋求的東西,一旦發(fā)現(xiàn),由在其中的專家來提供,或當(dāng)?shù)卣块T制定的。 資料來源 :邁克爾亞當(dāng)斯和大衛(wèi)赫斯 .社區(qū)知識的作用和功能 .[EB/OL]. Innovation in Public Management: The role and function of munity knowledge Michael Hess and David Adams Professors, Australian Innovation Research Centre, University of Tasmania. Contact: or Innovation in Public Management: the role and function of munity knowledge Michael Hess and David Adams Abstract The New Public Management (NPM) revolution is being challenged by ideas and practices (re)establishing a focus on social factors in public administration. This paper presents some Australian experience of the move to balance the market instruments of NPM by bringing munity oriented instruments and munity based knowledge upon which these depend into public policy and management. Key Words: innovation, munity, locality, knowledge, public management In the daytoday world of public management there always has been and there remains a contest over the types of knowledge that are relevant to decision making. For example the NPM focus of the past 20 years essentially privileged expertise from market sources as the dominant knowledge source. This was reflected in almost all aspects of the public sector from recruitment focus (towards managers and accountants and economists), through the types of strategies deemed relevant to address problems (user choice/user pays), to the instruments of implementation and service delivery (contracts and petitive tendering). Such ideas and instruments achieved normative status under NPM and, despite their relatively narrow knowledge base, were applied across the board to areas as varied as economic, social and environmental policy. The ideas and practice of the NPM produced increased efficiency and during the period of their dominance overall increases in productivity ?externalities? were significant. New forms of disadvantage arose, however, and many discourses were excluded from the policy and management arena. In this article we concentrate on the exclusion and revival of ideas and practices from munity knowledge. This knowledge is reemerging not just in the public administration literature but also in economics? ?cluster theory? (Porter, 2021。 Florida, 2021) and in geography?s new regionalism (Cooke and Man, 1998). Essentially these theories all have a focus on the si