【正文】 ion times nowadays,traffic light waits for much the industey equipment to go hand in hand with the puter under the control ,a good traffic light controls system,will give road aspect such as being crowded,controlling against rules to give a technical the fact that the largescale integrated circuit and the puter art promptness develop,as well as artificial intelligence broad in the field of control technique applies,intelligence equipment has had very big development,the main current being that modern science and technology develops main body of a book is designed having introduccd a intelligence traffic light function being intelligence traffic light navar’s turn to be able to e true has：The crossing carries out supervisory control on four main traffic of some downtown area。第3部分是就相關(guān)問題得出結(jié)論。結(jié)果表明，在擁擠的交通條件下，聚類控制器性能優(yōu)于其它所有測試的非自適應(yīng)控制器，我們也測試理論上的平均等待時間，用以選擇車輛通過市區(qū)的道路，并表明，道路使用者采用合作學(xué)習(xí)的方法可避免交通瓶頸。我們對自己的聚類算法模型和其它使用綠燈模擬器的系統(tǒng)做了比較。在我們的方法中，聚類算法與道路使用者的價值函數(shù)是用來確定每個交通燈的最優(yōu)決策的，這項決定是基于所有道路使用者站在交通路口累積投票，通過估計每輛車的好處(或收益)來確定綠燈時間增益值與總時間是有差異的，它希望在它往返的時候等待，如果燈是紅色，或者燈是綠色。采用先進的傳感器和智能優(yōu)化算法來優(yōu)化交通燈控制系統(tǒng)，將會是非常有益的。在研究中，我們著重于微觀模型，該模型能模仿單獨車輛的行為，從而模仿動態(tài)的車輛組。例如避免交通擁堵被認為是對環(huán)境和經(jīng)濟都有利的，但改善交通流也可能導(dǎo)致需求增加。由于道路使用者的不斷增加，現(xiàn)有資源和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施有限，智能交通控制將成為一個非常重要的課題。本文主要從單片機的應(yīng)用上來實現(xiàn)十字路口交通燈智能化的管理，用以控制過往車輛的正常運作。在世界范圍內(nèi)，一個以微電子技術(shù)，計算機和通信技術(shù)為先導(dǎo)的，一信息技術(shù)和信息產(chǎn)業(yè)為中心的信息革命方興未艾。本文介紹了一個智能交通的系統(tǒng)的設(shè)計。因此，一個好的交通燈控制系統(tǒng)，將給道路擁擠，違章控制等方面給予技術(shù)革新。Annuitisation of account values at the moment ofretirement。Accrual accounting within the system。Termination of the part of the previous system。Separation of the oldage part of social security from the nonoldage parts ofsocial security。Task specific/segmented(OA separated from NOA)versus multitask(OA and NOA mixed within one scheme)organisation of social security。Monopillar versus paper presents an alternative alternative approach can be summarised in the following four pairs of opposing concepts:Universal(mandatory covering the entire population)versus partial(voluntary participation of a group of people)。the retiredgeneration sells the rights in order to get a part of the product of the various types of pension systems create an institutional framework forthis the contribution rate, the demand side of the market is determined by the number of workers and their number of retirees determines the demand , if – as it is the case in traditional systems – pensions are administratively defined in terms of wages(replacement rate promised)then the pension system depends solely on the demographic strong productivity growth cannot help in balancing the system’s revenue and general change of the demographic structure we see around the world has caused the pyramid scheme used for financing pension expenditure to no longer generate sufficient consequence, previous minor inefficiencies have bee turned the previous “pyramidshape” demographic structure into a new “hutshape” one, as illustrated in Figure The pension system strongly depends on the demographic structure of the is no escape from this dependency irrespective of pension system technique financial markets do not make pension systems immune from this markets do help, however, in adjusting the system to the current demographic situation by introducing an easy to understand and acceptable link between benefits and contributions general change of the demographic structure around the world has caused severe fiscal problems for many change can be seen also from the viewpoint of being able to achieve the traditional social goals of the pension this regard, two important observations are worth mentioning:In the past, the minority – nowadays the vast majority – of those who pay contributions to the system as workers, afterwards receive benefits as means that in the active phase of the individual’s life, participation in the pension system is very similar to long term the goal is to provide for each individual, using the individual as the main accounting unit bees a superior way to organize the pension the past, the pension system channelledGDP to the very old people who were unable to earn a living and finance consumption on their people who retire are still able to work and earn, and they – on average have many years of life left to such, the discussion above shows that the objective of the pension system has changed for the oldage part of the pension system(OA).However, the nonoldage parts of social security systems(NOA), such as disability, remain risk related, irrespective to leads to theconclusion that the various parts of the social security system should be segmented, such that revenues(contributions)and expenses(benefits)can be tied to their purpose exclusively over time, and each segment insulated from each this way, policy makers would be able to look at each segment of the social security system, knowing that its revenues and expenses have been insulated from the risks of other parts of the system and are an accurate reflection of the current state of that segment and together of the system as a social security system, would then be made of an OA segment(pensions)and various NOA segments(disability, maternity, worker’s pensation, and so forth).This operational and accounting reform is one of the most important nonfiscal reasons for a deep pension reform and would provide policy makers with a powerful tool to understand how well their social security system can and will meet its : Summary of the proposed approach Typically pension economics, as well as popular discussions, use the following opposing concepts as a central basis for thinking on pensions:Payasyougo versus funding。外文文獻原文Reintroducing Intergenerational Equilibrium: Key Concepts behind the New Polish Pension SystemBy: Marek G243。免費的勞工運動，就不可能實現(xiàn)如果從一國轉(zhuǎn)移到另一個影響到退休后的收入預(yù)期。波蘭新的養(yǎng)老金制度的例子，以及瑞典之一，有趣的另一個原因。新養(yǎng)老保險制度不僅將停止對養(yǎng)老保險制度的成本增加，但會也讓他們減少。時間越長，傳統(tǒng)的養(yǎng)老金制度是舉起，在更多的社會造成的破壞性影響將被創(chuàng)建。社會和民眾主義言論向公眾表明，改變內(nèi)養(yǎng)老保險制度是危險的社會目標。這是社會的重要，特別是在歐洲。因此新的系統(tǒng)是基于以前的系統(tǒng)相同的貢獻流入。因此，自1999年1月工人和雇主分擔(dān)沒有任何費用的捐款在捐款總額的大小真正的變化。對于整個社會保障體系的貢獻率并沒有改