【正文】 39。 of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
　　I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
　　There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
　　But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
　　And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily almost exclusively to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
　　Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
　　Our national policy is this:
　　First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are mitted to allinclusive national defense.
　　Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are mitted to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
　　Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are mitted to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other peopleamp。 but we cannot afford to be softheaded. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the amp。quot。 because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
　　Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these the fouryear war between the States ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the pass in our national unity.
　　It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful merce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
　　What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition clear, definite opposition to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
　　That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
　　And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 ninetynine years no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
　　Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength。 when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.
　　God bless the children, and God bless us all.
　　Good night.
英語經(jīng)典演講三：The Four Freedoms　　Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:
　　I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word amp。 And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world