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ighly fragmented, the report argues. There is a growing sense of paralysis in responding to global challenges. 如何阻止人們對(duì)發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家倡導(dǎo)的全球資本主義的不滿演變?yōu)閺?qiáng)烈抵制?如果有適當(dāng)?shù)臋C(jī)制來(lái)調(diào)控國(guó)際經(jīng)濟(jì)壓力可能會(huì)起作用。而恰恰相反的是,全球經(jīng)濟(jì)合作接近崩潰。全球經(jīng)濟(jì)論壇倍受關(guān)注的全球風(fēng)險(xiǎn)報(bào)告指出當(dāng)今世界面臨的首要風(fēng)險(xiǎn)是“全球治理失敗”。報(bào)告稱,“全球治理能力高度分散,人們應(yīng)對(duì)全球挑戰(zhàn)越來(lái)越無(wú)力。” In the economic field, that is especially true. The Doha round of trade talks, for example, is like the emperor39。s new clothes in Hans Christian Andersen39。s famous tale: everyone knows there39。s nothing there, but nobody will say so. The spirit of camaraderie forged in the early days of the financial crisis — all the hopeful meetings and optimistic muniqu233。s of the G20 — has been replaced by everycountryforitself thinking. As nations scramble to protect their own people from the continued fallout of the Great Recession, the threat of currency and trade wars has bee very real. Governments from Tokyo to Santiago have been intervening in currency markets, imposing measures to restrict capital flows and taking other steps to try to prevent rising currencies from denting export petitiveness. The currency war is a proxy for a jobs war, says Roach. In the mind of every policymaker looms — at least, it should — the disastrous spiral into protectionism that deepened the Depression in the 1930s. 在經(jīng)濟(jì)領(lǐng)域,這種問(wèn)題更加突出。例如,多哈回合貿(mào)易談判就像安徒生著名的童話故事中皇帝的新裝一樣:每個(gè)人都知道談判不會(huì)有什么結(jié)果,但是沒(méi)有人說(shuō)出來(lái)。早期金融危機(jī)鑄就的互助友愛(ài)的精神20國(guó)集團(tuán)所有的充滿希望的會(huì)議和振奮人心的公告都被各國(guó)自私利己的想法替代了。由于各國(guó)面對(duì)日趨嚴(yán)峻的大蕭條境況,都急于保護(hù)本國(guó)人民的利益,因此貨幣和貿(mào)易之戰(zhàn)已成為非?,F(xiàn)實(shí)的威脅。從東京到圣地亞哥的政府一直都在干預(yù)貨幣市場(chǎng),采取措施限制資本流動(dòng),并盡力阻止不斷升值的貨幣削弱出口競(jìng)爭(zhēng)力?!柏泿胖畱?zhàn)其實(shí)就是工作崗位之戰(zhàn),”羅奇說(shuō)道。決策者至少應(yīng)該想到,這種災(zāi)難性的螺旋式保護(hù)主義曾加劇了20世紀(jì)30年代的大蕭條。 Yet the unmediated rift between countries, each desperate to preserve its edge in the global economic game, is not even the most serious division that policymakers have to contend with. That, rather, is what the WEF39。s Global Risks calls economic disparity. The benefits of globalization seem unevenly spread, reads the report. A minority is seen to have harvested a disproportionate amount of the fruits. Issues of economic disparity and equity at both the national and international levels are being increasingly important ... Politically, there are signs of resurgent nationalism and populism as well as social fragmentation. 在這場(chǎng)全球經(jīng)濟(jì)競(jìng)技中,每個(gè)國(guó)家都誓死保持自己的優(yōu)勢(shì),然而,這種國(guó)家間的即刻裂痕并不是決策者們需要應(yīng)對(duì)的最嚴(yán)重分歧。其實(shí),這種裂痕就是世界經(jīng)濟(jì)論壇全球風(fēng)險(xiǎn)所說(shuō)的經(jīng)濟(jì)差距?!叭蚧瘞?lái)的好處似乎分布不均衡,”報(bào)告表明,“小部分地區(qū)似乎付出與收獲并不成比例。國(guó)內(nèi)和國(guó)際水平的經(jīng)濟(jì)差距與公平越來(lái)越重要.......政治上,有民族主義,民粹主義以及社會(huì)分裂抬頭的跡象。” The warning is timely. In the rich world, the gains that the working class made during what the French call the trente glorieuses after 1945 — decent health care, guaranteed pensions — are seen as increasingly fragile. In the developing world, economic success sometimes seems to go hand in hand with growing inequality. 報(bào)告為人們及時(shí)敲響了警鐘。法國(guó)人稱1945年之后的三十年為“輝煌三十年”,在這三十年里,發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家的工人們創(chuàng)造了豐厚的收益全面的醫(yī)保,有保障的養(yǎng)老金,然而現(xiàn)在這些優(yōu)越條件都在慢慢瓦解?! one of these divisions — between and within nations — are ones that have to last for ever. But it will take hard work and creativity — both within discrete polities and in international forums — if they are not to cloud what should be the happy prospect of a world in which many, many more people live lives that are fulfilling and fortable. We can see that meadow at the end of the woods. But we aren39。t in it yet. 國(guó)際和國(guó)內(nèi)的這些分歧,沒(méi)有一個(gè)會(huì)永遠(yuǎn)存在。世界的前景是美好的越來(lái)越多的人們生活得非常充實(shí)與舒適,如果不想破壞如此美好的未來(lái),他們就必須在解決國(guó)際與國(guó)內(nèi)事務(wù)上努力工作,發(fā)揮創(chuàng)造力。我們已經(jīng)可以看到灌木叢深處的草木了,但是我們?nèi)耘f未進(jìn)入到那個(gè)世界。 技術(shù)資料分享