【文章內(nèi)容簡介】 ways, and rail lines are ultramodern and wellmaintained. The orderliness of the society doesn39。t mean that Danish lives are less messy or lonely than yours or mine, and no Dane would tell you so. You can hear plenty about bitter family feuds and the sorrows of alcoholism and about perfectly sensible people who went off one day and killed themselves. An orderly society can not exempt its members from the hazards of life. But there is a sense of entitlement and security that Danes grow up with. Certain things are yours by virtue of citizenship, and you shouldn39。t feel bad for taking what you have entitled to, you are as good as anyone else. The rules of the welfare system are clear to everyone, the benefits you get if you lose your job, the steps you take to get a new one。 and the orderliness of the system makes it possible for the country to weather high unemployment and social unrest without a sense of crisis. 36. The author thinks Danes adopt a ____ attitude towards their country. A. boastful B. modest C. deprecating D. mysterious 正確答案是 37. Which of the following is Not a Danish characteristic cited in the passage? A. Fondness of foreign culture. B. Equality in society. C. Linguistic tolerance. D. Persistent planning. 正確答案是 38. The author39。s reaction to the statement by the Ministry of Business and Industry is ____. A. disapproving B. approving C. nonmittal D. doubtful 正確答案是 39. According to the passage, Danish orderliness ____. A. sets the people apart from Germans and Swedes B. spare Danes social troubles besetting other peoples C. is considered economically essential to the country D. prevents Danes from acknowledging existing troubles 正確答案是 40. At the end of the passage the author states all the following Except that ____. A. Danes are clearly informed of their social benefits B. Danes take for granted what is given to them C. the open system helps to tide the country over D. orderliness has alleviated unemployment 正確答案是 TEXT B But if language habits do not represent classes, a social stratification into something as bygone as aristocracy and mons, they do still of course serve to identify social groups. This is something that seems fundamental in the use of language. As we see in relation to political and national movements, language is used as a badge or a barrier depending on which may we look at it. The new boy at school feels out of it at first because he does not know the right words for things, and aweinspiring pundits of six or seven look down on him for not being aware that racksy means dilapidated, or hairy out first ball. The miner takes a certain pride in being one up on the visitor or notice who calls the cage a lift or who thinks that men working in a warm seam are in their underpants when anyone ought to know that the garments are called hoggers. The insider is seldom displeased that his language distinguishes him from the outsider. Quite apart from specialized terms of of this kind in groups, trades and professions, there are all kinds of standards of correctness at which most of us feel more or less obliged to aim, because we know that certain kinds of English invite irritation or downright condemnation. On the other hand, we know that other kinds convey some kind of prestige and bear a wele cachet. In relation to the social aspects of language, it may well be suggested that English speakers fall into three categories: the assured, the anxious and the indifferent. At one end of this scale, we have the people who have position and status, and who therefore do not feel they need worry much about their use of English. Their education and occupation make them confident of speaking an unimpeachable form of English: no fear of being criticized or corrected is likely to cross their minds, and this gives their speech that characteristically unselfconscious and easy flow which is often envied. At the other end of the scale, we have an equally imperturbable hand, speaking with a similar degree of careless ease, because even if they are aware that their English is condemned by others, they are supremely indifferent to the fact. The Mrs. Mops of this world have active and efficient tongues in their heads, and if we happened not to like their ways of saying things, well, we can lump it. That is their attitude. Curiously enough, writers are inclined to represent the speech of both these extreme parties with in39。 for ing. On the one hand, We39。re goin39。 huntin39。, my dear sir。 on the other, We39。re goin39。 racin39。, mate. In between, according to this view we have a far less fortunate group, the anxious. These actively try to suppress what they believe to be bad English and assiduously cultivate what they hope to be good English. They live their lives in some degree of nervousness over their grammar, their pronunciation, and their choice of words: sensitive, and fearful of betraying themselves. Keeping up with the Joneses is measured not only in houses, furniture, refrigerators, cars, and clothes, but also in speech. And the misfortune of the anxious does not end with their inner anxiety. Their lot is also the open or veiled contempt of the assured on the side of them and of the indifferent on the other. It is all too easy to raise an unworthy laugh at the anxious. The people thus unfortably stilted on linguistic high heels so often form part of what is, in many ways, the most admirable section of any society: the ambitious, tense, innerdriven people, who are bent on going places and doing things. The greater the pity, then, if a disproportionate amount of their energy goes into what Mr. Sharpless called this shabby obsession with variant forms of English especially if the result is (as so often) merely to sound affected and ridiculous. Here, according to