規(guī)劃專業(yè)外文翻譯資料----華盛頓1901年規(guī)劃(編輯修改稿)
2025-06-25 18:07 本頁面
【文章內(nèi)容簡(jiǎn)介】 ission used in its 1901 plan. The BeauxArts style gave the impression of being vaguely classical, connoting not only the democracy of ancient Greece and the Roman Republic, but also the early American Republic of L?Enfant?s plan. “Classic architecture symbolized the historical heritage of the United States in a way that the Gothic, Romanesque, or mercial styles never could.” (Wilson, 89) The classical reference in architecture was wellknown in America, flowering through the late 1840s before the advent of Victorian eclecticism and the more austere and functional forms of the Chicago school. (Wilson, 89, Craig, 214) The very fact that the initial intent of the plan was to revisit L?Enfant demonstrates the Commission?s attempt to link the growing power of their class and of the government itself with the ideals and forms of the early Republic. “It was the first large effort to retrieve and restore the historic capital of the Founders, one of the earliest major attempts in the history of the republic to reestablish for any city a sense of continuity with its origins and with the national heritage, as expressed in architectural forms.” (Hines, 95) This explicit reference to the Founders allowed the government at the turn of the century, and subsequent governments, to align themselves with the powerful symbolism the Founders invoked. Drawing on this well of myth, the Mall was to present “the public a symbol of the power of the national government.” (Gutheim, 43) In the past, the Mall was simply an open space for residents of Washington .。 with the new plan it “was reconceived as a new kind of governmental plex, a bined civic and cultural center that is at once a national front lawn and an imperial forum. This long, wide swath of open space–something between a park and a boulevard–and the buildings along its edges have long served, in effect, as a sacred enclosure, a tenemos for a democracy.” (Stern, 263) The growing power of the government and its bureaucracy needed the kind of legitimacy that classic forms and Republican allusions provided. Yet the monumental core was not the only part of the city the 1901 Plan addressed. The 1901 Plan was the first real expression of the City Beautiful movement in America, believing in the power of beauty in the urban center to not only increase business and property prices, but to induce civic pride and its attendant moral and economic reforms. The Plan did not explicitly address the problems of the overcrowded and impoverished tenements and alleys surrounding the monumental core。 instead government buildings were to replace “notorious slum munities” with names like Swamppoodle and Murder Bay. (Gutheim, 43) The intent of the plan on its social level was not to address economic issues headon。 instead Burnham suggested the way to deal with the impoverished neighborhoods would be to cut “?broad thoroughfares through the unwholesome district.?” (qtd. in Boyer, 27172) These City Beautiful proponents believed in the power of fountains, statues, and treelined boulevards as an “antidote to moral decay and social disorder.” (Boyer, 26566) but did not include the displaced poor in their city plans. Earlier planners, including Frederick Olmsted, Sr., believed in the restorative effects of beauty, as expressed in natural and park settings. His famous plan for New York?s Central Park was conceived as a place where all economic classes could relax and ming
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