女性意識(shí)外文翻譯(存儲(chǔ)版)
【正文】 shriveled while militant forms of racial and ethnic consciousness have expanded, at least culturally, among young people. To some degree this expansion of various forms of consciousness going way beyond the borders of the movements in which they first emerged shows the lasting influence of those movements. But it also has to do with what appears to be the decline of political and protest movements, and the difficulty of finding pelling forms of political engagement. The tendency of the political to collapse into the cultural, even as it connotes a measure of triumph, weakens the left. Source: Barbara Epstein (1995). Feminist Consciousness After the Women’s Movement 婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)后 的 女性意識(shí) 芭芭拉 they also benefited from affirmative action. Even as they left political activity, few feminists thought that the aims of the women’s movement had been acplished. Many thought that they could continue to work towards these aims in the arenas, mostly professional, that they were entering. Feminist consciousness was sustained in part, no doubt, because it was widely understood that its aims had not been achieved, and because many women who left the movement remained mitted to its goals. This in itself would not have led to the widespread acceptance of feminism that has taken place over the last twenty years. In the wake of the September 11 attacks, some mentators have argued that the inequality of women in the Arab world is a sign of the deep cultural gap involved: to reject feminism is to reject modernity and the West. For instance, Laura Bush, speaking on the weekly presidential radio address, on November 17, 2020, supported the Bush administration’s attack on Afghanistan on grounds of the denial of women’s rights by the Taliban. In the sixties, probably even in the seventies, such an argument would have been unthinkable. Many feminists, especially radical feminists, thought that their challenge to male supremacy was also a challenge to the existing social order. Many, who regarded themselves as guardians of that social order, agreed. How has feminism bee an accepted part of modern, Western society rather than an enemy of it? .The emergence of the second wave of feminism in the United States, was connected to a transformation of the economy that was drawing women into the labor force on a permanent basis. Before the Second World War few women worked outside the home after marrying and having children。在大多數(shù)情況下，被吸引到政治活動(dòng)中的年輕女人都不愿加入婦女團(tuán)體。但它也是異常的 ,因?yàn)樗辉倥c產(chǎn)生它的運(yùn)動(dòng)有聯(lián)系。婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)源自于廢奴運(yùn)動(dòng) ,并且第一次女權(quán)主義是作為一種平等主義的世界觀而出現(xiàn) ,并且與反種族主義反對(duì)奴隸制度和反對(duì)種族主義密切聯(lián)系。它在上思想沒(méi)有變得狹隘 ,也沒(méi)有遇到任何的死胡同 ,正如其前身。即使他們離開(kāi)政 治活動(dòng)，很少有女權(quán)主義者認(rèn)為婦女運(yùn)動(dòng)的目標(biāo)已經(jīng)完成。在六十年代，甚至可能在七十年代，這樣的說(shuō)法已經(jīng)是不可想象的。 即使是 20世紀(jì) 30年代的經(jīng)濟(jì)大蕭條也沒(méi)有對(duì)他造成很大影響 ,許多女性在他們的丈夫失去了工作后支撐自己的家庭 ,但經(jīng)常是把工作帶到家里。但女性的平等已經(jīng)成為一個(gè)公開(kāi)接受原則。很有可能女權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)將會(huì)成為美國(guó)政治上的一個(gè)主流，雖然它并不像任何一 個(gè)其他的運(yùn)動(dòng)那樣，但在這層意義上，它卻更像是一個(gè)文化以及
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