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過去幾年里他們所做的努力似乎已削弱了,雖然未摧毀,認(rèn)為自有住房可鼓勵(lì)行之的最佳論點(diǎn),即它可提高人們的存款及 為大家創(chuàng)建更好的地區(qū)環(huán)境。 錢包的避難所 最后,且是反常地,十年來對(duì)擴(kuò)大自有住房的執(zhí)著實(shí)際上或許已降低了地區(qū)安定。存在的問題是如何權(quán)衡對(duì)自有住房帶來社會(huì)利益的經(jīng)濟(jì)成本。還有另一種可能:即使人們受困于失業(yè)人口比率高的地區(qū),利用那些愿意接受較低工資的房主,工作可能會(huì)向這些地區(qū)變遷。十年前華威大學(xué)的安德魯 在美國,有大量租房者的地區(qū)趨于不穩(wěn)定,因其租期典型的短暫。另一項(xiàng)研究顯示,自有住房者的孩子愿意從高等學(xué)府畢業(yè)的比率較租房者孩子高 25%,而且想上大學(xué)的比率更是超過兩倍。更穩(wěn)定的地區(qū),其居民更守法。次級(jí)、付息及其它抵押借款工具允許人們?cè)诓活A(yù)付定金和資本凈值 未不斷增值的情況下購買房屋。如果你需要籌集資金的話,你不能賣掉一兩間屋子,而你卻能隨時(shí)拋掉一些股票。 此外,如果國家政策意在增加財(cái)富, 還可有 其它可行之策。美國在 1997 至 2021 年間資產(chǎn)增值抵押借款額達(dá) 9 萬億美元 —— 相當(dāng)于 2021 年可支配收入的 90%以上。 另一認(rèn)為自有住房有好處的論據(jù)則為:迄今為止房價(jià)下滑已使當(dāng)前大多數(shù)房主免遭絕對(duì)性損失。雖然借款人的收入與背景相似,但后者的違約率僅為前者的四分之一。英國約有 3%的家庭處于這種狀態(tài)。 夏皮羅的話說就是“ 目前為止 唯一最重要的家庭財(cái)富積累方式 ” 。 ” 哈佛大學(xué)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家愛德華 在提供低利率房貸的美國兩大國有企業(yè)房利美和房地美破產(chǎn)后,違約加速。 ” 吉米為他們提供了基本生活所需求,因此 “ 快樂、繁榮或會(huì)永存 ” 。 it makes people more likely to vote in local elections and join clubs。 and it benefits future generations because, it turns out, the children of homeowners do better at school and have fewer behavioural problems than children of renters. On the face of it, the evidence for these claims is strong. In America homeowners are less likely to move than renters, so areas with a lot of homeowners are more stable. According to the 2021 American Housing Survey, homeowners stay where they are for about nine years whereas renters move every two. More stable neighbourhoods are more lawabiding. According to a study of New York City, the homeownership rate was second only to ine as an explanation for different crime rates. The link between ownership and political participation is stronger still. In America in the early 1990s, 69% of homeowners voted, pared with only 44% of renters. Homeowners are more likely to know who their representatives are。 這體 現(xiàn)了盎格魯撒克遜時(shí)期對(duì)自有住宅的看法。結(jié)果,美國自有住宅率連續(xù)四年下跌,為 25 年來首次。 格萊澤認(rèn)為 “ 鼓勵(lì)美國人將一切身家都下注在住房上是瘋狂的?,F(xiàn)在看來這個(gè)論點(diǎn)跟房價(jià)一樣脆弱不堪。對(duì)處于 “ 負(fù)資產(chǎn) ” 狀態(tài)的房主來說,住房相較儲(chǔ)錢罐更似羅網(wǎng)。由此可見問題的部分真正原因是在于抵押借款,而非借款人,這意味著次貸危機(jī)是一種金融市場(chǎng)混亂及房地產(chǎn)市場(chǎng)的混亂。例如,美國房價(jià)僅跌回 2021 年水平。這樣在經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮時(shí)房主就有更 多的錢可花,而在經(jīng)濟(jì)蕭條時(shí)就捉襟見肘。如,人們將其存款投資于股市及把房屋出租。真是難以論證房屋是最佳財(cái)富累積 的資產(chǎn)。 “ 負(fù)分期付款 ” 抵押借款甚至可允許人們每月僅付部分利息,并將剩余部分加到貸款本金中,增加的是其貸款額,并不是存款額。據(jù)紐約的一項(xiàng)研究顯示,作為不同犯罪率的說明,自有住房率僅次于收入排在第二位。而其處于青春期的女兒們似乎也更不愿成為孕婦。在德國,盡管,人們租期達(dá)數(shù)年之久。 奧斯瓦德表示,擁有住房的人更不愿搬家,因此當(dāng)自有住房增加時(shí)勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)傾向于變得更沒有彈性。 如上所言,奧斯瓦德先生的論點(diǎn)目前似乎尤為強(qiáng)勢(shì)。對(duì)此進(jìn)行評(píng)判可能不易,但近期房價(jià)的漲跌表明, 這兩種情況下的經(jīng)濟(jì)成本要比預(yù)想的高,而利益則要小。哈佛大學(xué)住宅聯(lián)合研究中心主任尼古 拉斯 但或許不應(yīng)對(duì)此感到驚奇。或許這會(huì)使勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)更有活力,但這確實(shí)不是決策者在制定提高自有住房策略時(shí)的初衷。換句話說,自有住房有時(shí)會(huì)比租房對(duì)一地區(qū)不利。如此這般,高自有住房率或許會(huì)延長并加深衰退。不管怎樣,只要人們想,房產(chǎn)市場(chǎng)的流動(dòng)性就可使他們搬家成為可能。 然而在經(jīng)濟(jì)低迷時(shí)期穩(wěn)定是否是件好事,這要另當(dāng)別論。租房者也是有公益精神的。這與收入無關(guān):該研究對(duì)此做了控制。據(jù) 2021 年美國住房調(diào)查顯示,自有住房者可在其居住地約住九年,而租房者每兩年就搬一次家。無論如何,在房產(chǎn)泡沫高點(diǎn)兜售的某些騙人的金融方式則不利于儲(chǔ)蓄。而且它還不能兌現(xiàn)。房價(jià)上漲時(shí)此舉還好,但房價(jià)下跌時(shí)就會(huì)暴露銀行的收支平衡會(huì)變得多么不堪一擊。它們刺激了消費(fèi),因房主可將其房屋用作附屬擔(dān)保品以支持消費(fèi)和投資。這也削弱了自有住房存在經(jīng)濟(jì)利益的觀 點(diǎn)。該研究對(duì)次級(jí)抵押借款人與從社區(qū)優(yōu)先計(jì)劃署借款的人加以比較, CAP 是由政府支持、將錢借給那些本可辦理次級(jí)抵押借款的人。大約有 1000 萬美國人處于 “ 負(fù)資產(chǎn) ” 狀態(tài),即其抵押借款成本超過了房屋價(jià)值。對(duì)自有住宅的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)論點(diǎn),用布蘭德斯大學(xué)托馬斯 克魯格曼寫道 “ 鑒于美國政策相較租賃更傾向于支持自有住宅,你可以看到這樣的事實(shí):美國自有住房者泛濫。災(zāi)難始于美國次級(jí)抵押借款違約,這是為擴(kuò) 大窮人擁有自有住宅而設(shè)計(jì)的金融工具。吉米斯圖爾特所在的公司已向他們出售了抵押借款,他表示 “ 對(duì)一個(gè)要擁有自己房產(chǎn)的男人而言 .....,這是基本的需要。 if house prices fall by 10%, you may lose your entire savings. The value of American homeowners’ equity in their own houses has slumped from a peak of $ trillion in 2021 to just $ trillion at the end of 2021. This undermines one claim that homeowning is economically beneficial. The other piece of evidence for home ownership’s benefits is that the houseprice fall has so far spared most existing homeowners from absolute losses. In America, for example, house prices have fallen back only to where they were in 2021. There were roughly 29m house sales in the United States between 2021 and 2021, pared with 115m households, and anyone who bought before then is probably sitting on a nominal profit. However, as Harvard University’s Martin Feldstein points out, if house prices rise, people feel richer and borrow and spend more. If they feel poorer, they may cut back even if the price of their house has not fallen below what they paid for it. Subsidies to home ownership have thus increased economic volatility. They boosted consumption, as homeowners used their houses as collateral to finance consumption or investment. In America mortgageequity withdrawals reached $9 trillion between 1997 and 2021—equal to more than 90% of disposable ine in 2021. This gave homeowners more to spend in the good times but less in bad ones. In Britain homeequity withdrawals added the equivalent of 3% of posttax ine to households in the fourth quarter of 2021 but subtracted 3% a year later. So changes to house prices aggravate the economic cycle. Recent research by the IMF finds that a quarter of the 100odd recessions since 1960 have been associated with houseprice busts and that these contractions “are deeper and last longer tha