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s Population, China Population Press, 1994, 。80歲之后,幾乎90%的財政負擔都依賴于他們的子女。沒有儲蓄的老年人如何生活?根據(jù)社會習俗,老人必須依靠自己的子女,希望他們撫養(yǎng)和照顧自己。雖然老齡化是一個必然的過程,社會經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展直接切換或生育率和死亡率的下降可能會導致與年齡有關的問題,這些問題從國家到國家之間和地區(qū)到地區(qū)之間不同的人口老齡化的速度方面帶來的社會和傳統(tǒng)慣例,經(jīng)濟實力和社會經(jīng)濟制度。在此期間,出生率的下降對總人口沒有造成影響。從1990年的人口普查數(shù)據(jù)估計。計劃生育方案實施以前,每對夫妻生育的平均數(shù)量為六。他們同樣知道他們必須有足夠數(shù)量的孩子,尤其是兒子,當他們老了的時候照顧他們,并且確保家庭下一代有了它的接班人。農(nóng)村的人們則無法獲得這種金融保障或者退休選擇。 由于農(nóng)村居民受戶籍制度的限制,他們在城鎮(zhèn)尋找就業(yè)機會不同。解決老齡化問題,關鍵是要建立一個能為老年人盡早解決這些問題的一個新的社會保障機構(喬1999)。中國的人口問題開始由規(guī)模造成的問題轉移到結構所引起的問題。金陵科技學院學士學位論文 外文參考資料譯文畢 業(yè) 設 計(論 文)外 文 參 考 資 料 及 譯 文譯文題目: 中國農(nóng)村老齡化問題及政策選擇 學生姓名: 沙振興 學 號: 0921405048 專 業(yè): 行政管理 所在學院: 龍蟠學院 指導教師: 周璐 職 稱: 講師 2011年 3 月 1 日中國農(nóng)村老齡化問題及政策選擇一、 簡介中國65歲及以上人口流動部分(約7%)沒有世界其他國家的高(2000年人口資料局)。因此,中國在本世紀面臨的最重要的問題將是老齡化(喬1994)。然而,21世紀早期,從計劃經(jīng)濟向市場體制轉換將會加劇解決問題的難度(喬1998)。盡管局勢由于經(jīng)濟改革、數(shù)百萬農(nóng)村地區(qū)的人們在城市工作而大大改善,但仍有優(yōu)勢的職位限制農(nóng)村地區(qū)的人。他們必須自己建立自己的保障。孩子的數(shù)量是由他們身體和精神的需求決定。從20世紀70年代開始,中國開始普遍實行計劃生育方案。自從那時起,生育率迅速地以意想不到的速度下降。老化的第一過程是老年人的比例增加。三、 農(nóng)村子女輔助老人的需求在中國,農(nóng)村和城市地區(qū)之間的情況是相當不同的。為了辨別年邁的父母得到了他們子女經(jīng)濟扶持的程度,我們可以從父母自己的收入和從子女那得到的經(jīng)濟扶持作比較。這些數(shù)據(jù)反映了子女們的支持多么的重要,強調了老年人生活的質量與子女的支持有多么密切。 TFR after 1990 was estimated from CBR, from the China Statistical Yearbook 1999.Because it was hard for people in rural areas to universally accept the onechild policy, a policy adjustment was made in 1984 allowing couples to have a second child if their first was a girl。 Zhang 1998), the contradiction between the age structure and socioeconomic development and institution is inevitable in China. In order to study and highlight this issue, a research group called the Consequences and Countermeasures of the Fertility Decline in China was established in Researchers focused their studies on population and socioeconomic consequences and targeted the policy implications toward the fertility decline and the change in age structure (Qiao 1996). It became clear that low fertility is not always better than high fertility (Gu and Mu 1994). China’s population problems began shifting from problems caused by scale to problems caused by the age structure. As a result, the most important population problem facing China in this century would be aging (Qiao 1994). These problems revolve around the relationships between demographic and socioeconomic factors (Qiao and Mu 1995). The aging problem is a result of socioeconomic development and institutions that do not take into account the changes in the age structure, rather than the opposite, that is, that the age structure itself does not fit with the changes in socioeconomic development. Hence, the problems can be resolved by adjusting social and institutional factors rather than adjusting demographic factors such as fertility, mortality, and migration (Qiao 1997). The shrinking of family size, due to the increase of onechild families will lead to dramatic changes in the traditional family pattern of China (Qiao 1995). The 421 family pattern2 has occurred both in urban and rural areas (Chen 1994). Because of increased life expectancy, healthy aging has bee an important issue in the aging society (Board of the Journal of Population Research 1995). The key to settling the problems of aging is to establish a new institution of social security for the elderly and to address these problems sooner(Qiao 1999b). However, the institutional conv