【正文】 因為每一個新的市場、信息是有爭議的由多元化的城市社會生活的解碼和重新編碼過程發(fā)生在城不能成為 最后的，主體間共享的城市形象。介紹主要區(qū)分顯性，對立和談判的消費模式，它指出了象征性的斗爭，一率城市發(fā)展的各個方面。以下萬維三部分處理所有這些理想類型，使用少數(shù)的受訪者為例。城市內(nèi)通常是不同的領(lǐng)域，在各種公共場所和私人住宅，以及一種特別的異質(zhì)性和揮發(fā)性人口。有 前，為了使討論明確切盡可能的論據(jù)，說明了方法的只是一些有趣的案件。采訪進行了 1997 年在四個不同的地點：市中心；富裕的北部郊區(qū)西郊；工人階級；以及農(nóng)村村，約一個小時的旅程從哥德堡去。這個身份危機也表示，通過幾個工業(yè)十 趨勢。 哥德堡市案例 盡管一般的做法，一些應(yīng)該說的話有關(guān)的特定環(huán)境與形象168。然而，就本文的目的而言，具體的城市是不重要的。主要的城市形象，在歷史的敘事，人物，建筑公司等，通常是在消費方式受商業(yè)演員，加強中介了的跡象。 Jansson 簡介 城市主要是推崇用戶至上主義的。 Jansson Introduction The city is the prime locus of modern consumerism. First of all, it is the space in which most mercial centre are concentrated shops, restaurants, cultural establishments, sports arenas and so on. Urban areas are the locations of economic and symbolic exchange. Secondly, the city environment provides a forum for cultural impressions and expressions. As noted in the classical writings of Simmel and Benjamin, the metropolis incorporates an entire system of rooms, stages and passages where the reflexive individual can gain symbolic experiences, as well as manifesting his or her identity. Thirdly, since the major cities also incorporate a majority of the culture industries, including most media firms, advertising agencies and design panies, they are also the epicenter from which a great share of the symbolic flows emanate. In contemporary society, significant shares of people’s cultural horizons are shaped by the images and messages arising in metropolitan contexts, many of which are geographically distant. Finally, in the shape of travel destinations, cities are turned into the objects of direct consumption. The dominant image of the city, in terms of historical narrative, personalities, buildings, panies, etc., is normally consumed in a manner influenced by mercial actors, reinforced by mediated signs. Professional imagemakers are continuously working on the symbolic refueling of the cityasmodity . However, the creation of the city image is not only a matter of cultural policy. What the city actually bees, and how different groups experience it, depend upon the activities of social actors as well as systemic forces. For example, even though there are strong hegemonic forces, founded upon alliances between political, cultural and economic actors, supporting a dominant image of the city, alternative and oppositional groupings are always challenging such points of view (see Figure 1). Currently, the clearest examples are definitely the international ‘reclaim the streets’ and ‘reclaim the city’ movements (see Klein, 2020). And during the past few years, toplevel political meetings such as the ones in Seattle, Prague, Goteborg and Genoa have led to worldwide media exposure of the intensified struggle over urban space in general and certain city images in particular. Most of the research for the present study took place in the city of Goteborg, Sweden. However, as far as the aim of this article is concerned, the specific city is not important as such. The aim rather is to illustrate how any city image may be encoded, decoded and reencoded through various forms of lifestyle practices. In particular, the article will focus upon three different modes of consumption, corresponding to Hall’s notion of dominant, oppositional and negotiated readings. This is not to say that cities necessarily contain any clearcut ‘preferred meaning’. As has just been argued, the city image is 浙江農(nóng)林大學(xué)本科畢業(yè)設(shè)計（論文） 2 a plex and dynamic structure, whose encoders are found throughout society. All readings are somehow negotiated. Nevertheless, from a Marxist point of view one may argue that different ways of encoding and reencoding th