【正文】 According to Scott and his colleagues, the clearest expression of this tendency is found in certain large global cityregions as they – throughout the decades – persisted and further developed as the favourite habitat of economic agents in search for mutual proximity and the conitant economic productivity, performance and innovation advantages. Global cityregions as motors of the global economy While the above elucidates how global cityregions could emerge as a critical political and institutional tier, it does not explain why global cityregions are the (wouldbe) motors of the new global economy. To clarify this part of the argument, Scott et al. (2021) bring to bear much of the body of thought that was developed by Scott in his book Regions and the world economy (1998). They argue that any contemporary advanced economic system is home to basically two different kinds of economic activities, each of them being anised in a significantly different way and being dependent on differently shaped work relationships. As a consequence of this, both kinds express different location preferences: one kind is better off by clustering in global cityregions whereas the other one is relatively insensitive to the specific assets of such agglomerations (Scott et al. 2021, p. 1518). The two basic kinds of economic activities that the authors refer to are economic activities that are highly routinised on the one hand, and economic activities that are typically not routinised on the other. The former is associated with production activities that involve relatively wellcodified forms of knowledge and relatively standardized modes of production and that cater to relatively stable markets. In such cases, production and the required inputs can be planned in advance rather well and respectively carried out and purchased at large scales. This opens up the possibility to bring in materials or to ship out products relatively cheaply over large distances and, under normal conditions, restricts the need for plex munication between a result, the works that such firms are part of are often rather rigid, and firms’ location decisions are more likely to depend on factors such as the presence of cheap (unskilled) labour, the availability of cheap land or the nature of tax and regulatory environments than on the need to be located adjacent to functionally related firms. For the non routinised kinds of economic production, however, the latter is much more important. By non routinised kinds of economic production are meant those industries and service producers that operate in markets that are characterised by high levels of uncertainty. These are, for example, markets where production technologies develop quickly and where demand for products varies greatly over time and from customer to customer. Since the early 1970s – that is when the bined effect of destabilisation of the economic environment (after 25 years of relative stability), destandardisation of production processes (enabl