【正文】 00 表明在華盛頓和在 San Francisco 150,000。激進的抗議，以青年為主，繼續(xù)傳播，導(dǎo)致很多美國人不知道這場戰(zhàn)爭是否值得被分裂的社會。其他形式的反戰(zhàn)活動依然存在。尼克松政府采取了一系列的措施，以減輕運動，主要動員支持者，涂抹的運動，跟蹤它，美軍撤出越南制定草案彩票，以及最終結(jié)束草案要求。兩個長期存在的問題繼續(xù)困擾著反戰(zhàn)運動。許多與會者質(zhì)疑其有效性，產(chǎn)卵輟學(xué)，阻礙抗議活動的組織和維護的反戰(zhàn)團體，加劇糾紛在戰(zhàn)略和戰(zhàn)術(shù)。內(nèi)訌繼續(xù)消耗能量，疏遠(yuǎn)積極分子，并妨礙反戰(zhàn)規(guī)劃。沖突被煽動的美國政府，但它主要是內(nèi)部生成的。在 1970 年春天，尼克松總統(tǒng)的入侵柬埔寨和肯特州立大學(xué)槍擊 (后跟那些在 Jackson 狀態(tài)) 引發(fā)校園抗議美國歷史上的最大顯示。全國學(xué)生罷工完全關(guān)閉超過 500 的學(xué)院和大學(xué)。其他美國人舉行游行，抗議城市遍布全國各地。很多人游說白宮官員和國會議員。超過 100,000 表明在華盛頓，盡管只有一周的事先通知。參議員約翰 謝爾曼 庫珀和弗蘭克教會贊助 (后來通過) 立法禁止資金的美國地面部隊和在柬埔寨的顧問。很多勞動領(lǐng)袖說出了第一次和藍(lán)領(lǐng)工人加入反戰(zhàn)活動前所未有的數(shù)量。然而，在紐約的建筑工人毆打一群和平學(xué)生示威者，并 (與白宮援助) 一些工會的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人組織親政府集會。盡管不斷惡化的內(nèi)部分裂和萎靡運動，五十萬人示威反對在華盛頓戰(zhàn)爭 1971 年 4 月。越南退伍軍人反對戰(zhàn)爭也舉行抗議活動，和其他示威者從事大規(guī)模的公民抗命，提示 12,000 逮捕。前五角大樓助手 Daniel 埃爾斯伯格泄露五角大樓文件到紐約時報。與此同時，士氣和紀(jì)律的美國士兵在越南被嚴(yán)重惡化: 濫用藥物是猖獗，打擊拒絕和種族沖突提出了越來越多，一些士兵甚至被謀殺自己的主席團成員。與美國軍隊的到來回家，反戰(zhàn)運動逐漸減弱，1971 年至 1975年年間。很多的剩余主義者的抗議繼續(xù)的美國轟炸，南越政治囚犯的困境和美國的戰(zhàn)爭經(jīng)費。美國運動反對越南戰(zhàn)爭是美國歷史上最成功的反戰(zhàn)運動。在 Johnson 執(zhí)政時期，它發(fā)揮了重大作用在制約戰(zhàn)爭和是在 1968 年政府當(dāng)局的政策逆轉(zhuǎn)的主要因素。在尼克松年中，它加速了美國撤軍，繼續(xù)抑制戰(zhàn)爭，美聯(lián)儲在美國軍隊士氣和紀(jì)律 (提供額外動力到美國撤軍)，惡化和推動國會立法，切斷了這場戰(zhàn)爭的美國基金。運動也養(yǎng)成了在水門事件丑聞，最終具有重要的作用，在結(jié)束戰(zhàn)爭破壞尼克松的權(quán)威在國會和因而他繼續(xù)這場戰(zhàn)爭的能力方面。它引起了臭名昭著休斯頓計劃。靈感來自 Daniel 埃爾斯伯格，其釋放的五角大樓文件導(dǎo)致的水管工。 形成和美聯(lián)儲對其政治的敵人，發(fā)揮了重要的作用，在炮制水門本身尼克松政府的偏執(zhí)。The AntiWar Movement in the United StatesMark BarringerAlong with the Civil Rights campaigns of the 1960s, one of the most divisive forces in twentiethcentury . history. The antiwar movement actually consisted of a number of independent interests, often only vaguely allied and contesting each other on many issues, united only in opposition to the Vietnam War. Attracting members from college campuses, middleclass suburbs, labor unions, and government institutions, the movement gained national prominence in 1965, peaked in 1968, and remained powerful throughout the duration of the conflict. Enpassing political, racial, and cultural spheres, the antiwar movement exposed a deep schism within 1960s American society. A small, core peace movement had long existed in the United States, largely based in Quaker and Unitarian beliefs, but failed to gain popular currency until the Cold War era. The escalating nuclear arms race of the late 1950s led Norman Cousins, editor of the Saturday Review, along with Clarence Pickett of the American Society of Friends (Quakers), to found the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) in 1957. Their most visible member was Dr. Benjamin Spock, who joined in 1962 after being disillusioned with President Kennedy39。s failure to halt nuclear proliferation. A decidedly middleclass organization, SANE represented the latest incarnation of traditional liberal peace activism. Their goal was a reduction in nuclear weapons. Another group, the Student Peace Union (SPU), emerged in 1959 on college campuses across the country. Like SANE, the SPU was more liberal than radical. After the Joseph McCarthyinspired dissolution of Communist and Socialist organizations on campuses in the 1950s, the SPU became the only option remaining for nascent activists. The goal of the SPU went beyond that of SANE. Unwilling to settle for fewer nuclear weapons, the students desired a wholesale restructuring of American society. The SPU, never an effective interest group, faded away in 1964, its banner taken up by a more active assemblage, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). SDS formed in 1960 as the collegiate arm of an Old Left institution with an impressive heritagethe League for Industrial Democracy. Jack London had been a member, as had Upton Sinclair, but the organization had long lain dormant until Michael Harrington, a New York socialist, revived it late in the 1950s as a forum for laborers, African Americans, and intellectuals. Within a single year, however, SDS was taken over by student radicals Al Haber and Tom Hayden, both of the University of Michigan. In June 1962, fiftynine SDS members met with Harrington at Port Huron, Michigan, in a conference sponsored by the United Auto Workers. From this meeting materialized what has been called the manifesto of the New Leftthe Port Huron Statement. Written by Hayden, the editor of the University of Michigan student newspaper, the 64page document expressed disillusionment with the militaryindustrialacademic establishment. Hayden cited the uncertainty of life in Cold War America and the degradation of African Americans in the South as examples of the failure of liberal ideology and called for a reevaluation of academic acquiescence in what he claimed was a dangerous conspiracy to maintain a sense of apathy among American youth. Throughout the first years of its existence, SDS focused on domestic concerns. The students, as with other groups of the Old and New Left, actively supported Lyndon Johnson in his 1964 campaign against Barry Goldwater. Following Johnson39。s victory, they refrained from antiwar rhetoric to avoid alienating the president and possibly endangering the social programs of the Great Society. Although not yet an antiwar organization, SDS actively participated in the Civil Rights struggle and proved an important link between the two defining causes of the decade. Another bridge between Civil Rights and the antiwar crusade was the Free Speech Movement (FSM) at the University of California at Berkeley. Begun in December 1964 by students who had participated in Mississippi39。s Freedom Summer, the FSM provided an example of how students could bring about change through organization. In several skirmishes with University President Clark Kerr, the FSM and its dynamic leader Mario Savio p