中國(guó)與東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)：起源和影響外文翻譯-展示頁(yè)
2025-01-26 22:16本頁(yè)面
【正文】 very few in Southeast Asia anticipate and desire the departure of the US. In recent years, Japan’s longstanding position as the economic powerhouse of Asia is widely seen to have been usurped by China. Between 1997 and 2001, Chinese puter and electrical equipment manufacturers more than doubled their sales to Southeast Asia, while Japanese sales of similar products to the region declined 24%. In 1985, Japan accounted for over 37% of the US’s trade de?cit, and the proportion dropped to less than 15% in the ?rst eight months of 2002. In the same period, China accounted for more than 21% of the US’s trade de?cit。 and enhancing mutual interests and interdependence is the best way to erode the ASEAN states’ perception of the ‘China threat’. But China must not neglect the interests of Japan and South Korea or underestimate ASEAN’s resistance to the exclusion of the US and its desire to maintain a balance of power in the region. The ASEANChina Free Trade Area, hopefully, should also facilitate the narrowing of the gap between the more developed and the developing ASEAN members. In many ways, the establishment of the ASEANChina Free Trade Area represents a challenge to what can be achieved in the mutual engagement process.Key words: ASEAN。原文：The ASEANChina Free Trade Area: genesisand implicationsAustralian Journal of International Affairs, June 2004 Joseph Yushek ChengAbstract:The AsiaPaci?c region’s vulnerabilities to the consequences of globalization were vividly revealed by its ?nancial crisis in 1997–98. ASEAN states considered the US and APEC less than helpful during the crisis, and they found the conditionalities imposed by the IMF unpalatable. But ASEAN as a regional organization has been much weakened, and it has been working hard to revive its in?uence. The ‘ASEAN plus 3’ approach has been perceived as an important means to strengthen ASEAN’s status and relevance. The ASEANChina Free Trade Area is undoubtedly an outstanding achievement of this approach。該協(xié)議建立在中國(guó)與東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)使兩者實(shí)現(xiàn)唇齒相依。就像中國(guó)東盟這個(gè)自由貿(mào)易區(qū)不僅僅體現(xiàn)在經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)上必須進(jìn)行交付,而且希望它還應(yīng)該促進(jìn)地區(qū)差距的縮小，使中國(guó)與東盟各成員國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)更發(fā)達(dá)和發(fā)展, 尤其是在中國(guó)比較富裕的沿海省份和貧窮的內(nèi)陸省份。但中國(guó)不應(yīng)忽視日本的利益和韓國(guó)與中國(guó)東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)的關(guān)系。中國(guó)并沒(méi)有積極參與西部之間的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)新自由主義模型和在亞太經(jīng)合組織的東亞國(guó)家一起參與模型,但中國(guó)一直關(guān)心著不斷危險(xiǎn)惡化的中美關(guān)系，這也增加了東京和北京之間的不信任。在金融危機(jī)中，中國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)表現(xiàn)是基于它最近加入了世貿(mào)組織，北京與東盟成立的東盟中國(guó)自由貿(mào)易區(qū)增加了 “東盟+ 3”組織。它選擇在其內(nèi)部放松財(cái)政問(wèn)題,保護(hù)屏障后面, 不可否認(rèn)在很大程度上,它成功了。東盟國(guó)家認(rèn)為在亞洲金融危機(jī)期間美國(guó)和亞太經(jīng)合組織沒(méi)有幫助亞洲,而且他們發(fā)現(xiàn)國(guó)際貨幣基金組織附加條件十分苛刻。亞太地區(qū)的漏洞是由全球化的后果造成的，尤其是在1997 1998爆發(fā)的金融危機(jī)。全球化提供了一個(gè)有用的分析工具的概念，并且增進(jìn)了跨國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)、政治、社會(huì)和文化的互動(dòng)。與此同時(shí),馬來(lái)西亞反對(duì)派仍然反對(duì)澳大利亞參與東盟的。柬埔寨首相洪森認(rèn)為與印度的貿(mào)易和投資關(guān)系特別幫助與貧窮的東盟成員國(guó)之間的聯(lián)系,因?yàn)樗麚?dān)心的出現(xiàn)雙重東盟。當(dāng)天的東盟日本聯(lián)合聲明表示,印度還同意建立一個(gè)與東盟自由貿(mào)易區(qū)的第一次首腦會(huì)議中與區(qū)域組織。盡管日本首相小泉純一郎首相否認(rèn)它,但是大多數(shù)觀(guān)察家認(rèn)為聯(lián)合聲明作為一個(gè)法案與中國(guó)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)東南亞，與此同時(shí)，他們也仍懷疑它是否將切實(shí)執(zhí)行。在一個(gè)較低的水平, 在北京去世的老年一代政治領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人與東京的日本專(zhuān)家或中國(guó)專(zhuān)家之間減少了相互同情和理解。在中美關(guān)系發(fā)生嚴(yán)重的挫折的時(shí)候,日本將被迫處在尷尬的位置,他們不得不去在美國(guó)和中國(guó)之間做出選擇。而中國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)和軍事實(shí)力也在持續(xù)發(fā)展中。與此同時(shí), 中國(guó)和日本兩國(guó)之間的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)可能會(huì)在未來(lái)幾年持續(xù)惡化。中國(guó)和日本都熱衷于追求大國(guó)地位來(lái)提高他們的國(guó)際影響力,但在亞太地區(qū)兩者都是支持多極化和不尋求主導(dǎo)的角色，是互補(bǔ)共享一個(gè)公共利益的，進(jìn)而在促進(jìn)地區(qū)的穩(wěn)定與繁榮。例如在2002年11月美國(guó)中期選舉中國(guó)的缺席作為了一個(gè)熱點(diǎn)問(wèn)題。1985年中國(guó)對(duì)美國(guó)的貿(mào)易順差,僅為600萬(wàn)美元,在短短的十幾年間，就轉(zhuǎn)變成了830億美元。1997年和2001年間,中國(guó)電腦和電子設(shè)備制造商銷(xiāo)售到東南亞的產(chǎn)品增加了一倍多,而日本銷(xiāo)售的類(lèi)似產(chǎn)品在該地區(qū)則下降了24%。顯然有相當(dāng)多的國(guó)家怨恨美國(guó)的霸權(quán)主義和單邊主義,但很少會(huì)國(guó)家想要離開(kāi)美國(guó)庇佑。
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