【正文】 r States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.
　　I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and Ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
　　In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts。 and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitutionto this provision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases e within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
　　There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?
　　Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?
　　I take the official oath today with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules。 and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
　　Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend。美國總統(tǒng)林肯的就職演講　　總統(tǒng)的一切權(quán)力來自人民，但人民沒有授權(quán)給他為各州的分離規(guī)定條件。此資料由網(wǎng)絡(luò)收集而來，如有侵權(quán)請告知上傳者立即刪除。資料共分享，我們負責傳遞知識。接下來由范文網(wǎng)小編為大家推薦美國總統(tǒng)林肯的就職演講，希望對你有所幫助!
　　美國總統(tǒng)林肯的就職演講
　　First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln
　　MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1861
　　FellowCitizens of the United States:
　　In pliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of this office.”
　　I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.
　　Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that
　　I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
　　Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them。 and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.
　　I now re