【正文】 博物館 館長們被迫巧妙輪換利用陳列館的空間，輪流著把一些藝術杰作向公。 由于空間 緊缺，該藝術博物館在考慮購買與受贈藝術品已越來越謹慎，有時甚至放棄增強藝術收藏的 機會。在我國，也許沒有任何其他地方比費城藝術博物館更符合這個事實。大家一致行動的原因是復雜多樣的，但其中的一個因素是普遍 考慮的空間問題。 這些計劃或者已經(jīng)根本性地改變了博物館門面與展廳的設 計，或者預期在不久的將來會這樣做。s space problems. And increasingly, curators have been forced to juggle gallery space, rotating one masterpiece into public view while another is sent to storage. Despite the clear need for additional gallery and storage space, however, the museum has no plan, no plan to break out of its envelope in the next fifteen years, according to Philadelphia Museum of Art39。 然而，現(xiàn)代考古學通 過運用適當?shù)募夹g和比較的方法，在從泥炭、沙漠和凍土中所獲得的一些幸運發(fā)現(xiàn)的輔助下， 能夠填充這個空缺的很大部分。 任何由木頭、生皮、絨線、亞麻、草、毛發(fā)以及相似物質(zhì)做成的東西除非在一些非 常特殊的條件下，幾年或幾個世紀以后，會在塵土中腐爛并消失。 我說的話，你通過空氣振動聽見，這 當然是人類造成的物質(zhì)變化，也可能有重大的歷史意義，但這些話在考古學中未留下絲毫痕 跡，除非有人用錄音機錄下來或文書把這些話寫了下來。 這些記錄自有其獨特和不足之處，因而導致人們對考古歷史和更熟悉的文字記載歷史進行相 當膚淺的對比。 更簡潔地說，是石化了的人類行為。 這個過程創(chuàng)造了我們生活的人類世界，也創(chuàng)造了我們自身，因為 我們都是我們所處的時代和 社會環(huán)境的產(chǎn)物。 考古學資料本身也是一種 歷史文獻，而不僅僅是文字資料的例證。 ★ 11 Archaeology Archaeology is a source of history, not just a humble auxiliary discipline. Archaeological data are historical documents in their own right, not mere illustrations to written texts. Just as much as any other historian, an archaeologist studies and tries to reconstitute the process that has created the human world in which we live and us ourselves in so far as we are each creatures of our age and social environment. Archaeological data are all changes in the material world resulting from human action or, more succinctly, the fossilized results of human behavior. The sum total of these constitutes what may be called the archaeological record. This record exhibits certain peculiarities and deficiencies the consequences of which produce a rather superficial contrast between archaeological history and the more familiar kind based upon written records. Not all human behavior fossilizes. The words I utter and you hear as vibrations in the air are certainly human changes in the material world and may be of great historical significance. Yet they leave no sort of trace in the archaeological records unless they are captured by a dictaphone or written down by a clerk. The movement of troops on the battlefield may change the course of history, but this is equally ephemeral from the archaeologist39。 不論何種語言，只會有很小一部分使用者 能夠意識到他們是在使用俗語或俚語。 很多語言學家指出，大量俚語的形成需要三個 文化條件：第一，對社會中新事物的引入和接受；第二，一個由大量子群構成的多樣化人口； 第三，各子群與多數(shù)人口之間的聯(lián)系。 有時候，多 數(shù)人從來不接受某些俚語，但是他們把這些俚語保存到集中 記憶中。俗語用法經(jīng)常地被接受為標準用法。 幾乎所有的習慣用語都屬于俗語，而俚 語指的是為很多講這種語言的人理解但大多數(shù)人不把它們列入好的、正式用法之內(nèi)的詞和短 語；俗語甚至俚語都可能在標準字典中查到，但是字典中會標明它們的性質(zhì)。 這些詞和短語的意義已很確定并被列入了標準 詞典中。 second, a diverse population with a large number of subgroups。 這些中產(chǎn)階級希望在遠離老舊城市的地區(qū)擁有住宅，單一家庭住宅地區(qū) 的開發(fā)者滿足了他們的愿望。 幾年之 內(nèi)，馬車就被廢棄了，電車網(wǎng)相互交織連接著各個重要的城區(qū)，從而形成了一種郊區(qū)化的潮 流，即密集的工業(yè)城市轉變成了分散的都市。隨著工業(yè)化的加速發(fā)展，城市里出現(xiàn)了嚴重擁擠和相伴而來的社會壓力。 相似的城市 化也發(fā)生在芝加哥和紐約。 漸漸地，在與舊有的主要城區(qū)相毗鄰的地方，不斷涌現(xiàn)出由排房和公寓樓組成的工人 聚居區(qū)，包圍了工廠。 在其中，人們步行走動，商品靠馬車來運送。s were located along waterways and near railheads at the edges of cities, and housing was needed for the thousands of people drawn by the prospect of employment. In time, the factories were surrounded by proliferating mill towns of apartments and row houses that abutted the older, main cities. As a defense against this encroachment and to enlarge their tax bases, the cities appropriated their industrial neighbors. In 1854, for example, the city of Philadelphia annexed most of Philadelphia County. Similar municipal maneuvers took place in Chicago and in New York. Indeed, most great cities of the United States achieved such status only by incorporating the munities along their borders. With the acceleration of industrial growth came acute urban crowding and acpanying social stress conditions that began to approach disastrous proportions when, in 1888, the first mercially successful electric traction line was developed. Within a few years the horsedrawn trolleys were retired and electric streetcar works crisscrossed and connected every major urban area, fostering a wave of suburbanization that transformed the pact industrial city into a dispersed first phase of massscale suburbanization was reinforced by the simultaneous emergence of the urban Middle Class, whose desires for homeownership in neighborhoods far from the aging inner city were satisfied by the developers of singlefamily housing tracts. 郊區(qū)的發(fā)展 如果 郊區(qū) 指的是比已建好的城市內(nèi)部發(fā)展更為迅速的城市邊緣地帶，那 么郊區(qū)化可以說始于 1825年至 1850年工業(yè)化城市出現(xiàn)期間。 ★ 09 Suburbanization If by suburb is meant an urban margin that grows more rapidly than its already developed interior, the process of suburbanization began during the emergence of the industrial city in the second quarter of the nieenth century. Before that period the city was a small highly pact cluster in which people moved about on foot and goods were conveyed by horse and cart. But the early factories built in the 183039。 在一些州，特 別是康涅狄格和羅德島，戰(zhàn)爭基本上只是承認了已經(jīng)存在的殖民地的自治。 第三個國家就是美國，它完全建立在共 和原則基礎上。 加拿大的第一大批講英語的流 入人口來自于成千上萬英王的效忠者 ， 這些人從美國逃到了加拿大。 許多較閉塞的社區(qū)對這場戰(zhàn)爭幾乎一無所知。 革命帶來了重大的變化，但并非翻天覆地，所發(fā)生的只是進化 的加速，而不是一場徹底的革命；在沖突期間，人們?nèi)匀簧习?、做禮拜、結婚、玩耍。s War of Independence heralded the birth of three modern nations. One was Canada, which received its first large influx of Englishspeaking population from the thousands of loyalists who fled there from the United States. Another was Australia, which became a penal colony now that America was no longer available for prisoners and debtors. The third newer the United States based itself squarely on republican principles. Yet even the political overturn was not so revolutionary as one might suppose. In some states, notably Connecticut and Rhode Island, the war largely ratified a colonial selfrule already existing. British officials, everywhere ousted, were replaced by a homegrown governing class, which promptly