【正文】 erwald et al. 1988) prefers the reduction of shortduration parking spaces to those of longduration. The parking concept of the City of Frankfurt (1988) is based on a drastic reduction of employees39。 vehicles had to be parked on private premises. Since 1939 (Reichsgaragenordnung),in Germany building owners are legally obliged to provide parking space on their premises according to the type and amount of intended uses. In the meantime, parking within the public street has bee mon law. But nevertheless the Building Acts of the German States still formulate the parking space obligation. The parkingspace obligation es into power when a building is newly erected, when it is rebuilt or extended or even when the uses of the building are changed. If, for instance, a flat is converted into an office, the parking space obligation is extended from 1 to spaces per flat to 1 space per about 30 m 2 usable area。 cars will still grow. The parking problem is often seen in the shortened conscience of a car driver who cannot quickly find a cheap parking space in the direct vicinity of his or her destination. Parking problems are much more severe for other street users: pedestrians are annoyed by cars parked on pavements, cyclists by those on cycle lanes, walking is impeded, getting out of the way by using the carriageway is dangerous especially for children and elderly people, buses and trams are hindered, loading zones are blocked, and search traffic strains the streets in residential and mixeduse areas. Illegal parking, with shares of about 40 to 50% of the total parking, is widespread in German cities. About 383,000 fines and 27,000 towaways in Frankfurt, for instance, in 1989 or even about 927,000 fines and 42,000 towawaysin Munich change little of this situation (according to information from the cities39。所以，舉例來說， 10居民％的汽車停在一個(gè)法蘭克福市中心區(qū)的街道是不是在周日感動(dòng)。他們只能間接影響，例如，通過在沒有停車規(guī)定所有雇員在公共領(lǐng)域，促使公司分發(fā)他們的私人空間給員工誰是汽車，因?yàn)槿毕?，專業(yè)用的汽車的約束，又缺乏在公共交通工具。停泊）約上午七時(shí)（錄制的開始）約 60％的各居民的汽車都存在，而在約下午七時(shí) 00分約 45％都存在。 2． 不同用戶群體的停車要求 居民，員工，客戶和參觀者要求停車空間，以及交貨和交通服務(wù)也要求。在接下來的 兩三年內(nèi)，我們將可能經(jīng)歷幾乎在東德車隊(duì)增加一倍。由不同的用戶群體的不同特點(diǎn)停車需求進(jìn)行了討論。甚至居民僅汽車不能根據(jù)生態(tài)安置，美觀，而且功能上可以承受的條件。 下列商業(yè)交通和居民 在正常的停車需求層次三是那些客戶和參觀者。該旅客入住的時(shí)間少圖的相似性是由于不同的訪問目的不同。的停車位經(jīng)常提到的赤字是經(jīng)常暴露出他是一個(gè) “赤字 ”廉價(jià)和容易獲得的空間接近真實(shí)的目的地。 更多汽車交通 也出了交通高峰 是不是因?yàn)榭諝馕廴镜拇蟪鞘腥淌堋?Topp Consultants 1988). This allows the transfer of parking patterns from district to district without extensive surveys within each district. The similarity of the occupancy time graphs for visitors is less distinct because of the different purposes of visits. supply: Onstreet and offstreet, public and private The total parking volume of a city district consists of different types of parking spaces concerning ownership, operation and usability. The most important distinction is public or private related to accessibility for all or for certain groups and to the degree of control by municipal parking policy. Most public are onstreet spaces with the only restrictions being preferences for residents (or handicapped). These spaces are totally controlled by the municipality and, therefore, they are usually the starting point of parking concepts. The municipal influence on parking garages even those publicly operated is limited because of legal contracts concerning, for instance, the share of permanently let spaces or parking tariffs. A municipal parking pany operating as many garages as possible as, for instance, the Parkhaus Betriebs GmbH in Frankfurt operating 12 garages with about 8,000 spaces in total provides influence and creates a chance to integrate those spaces into parking concepts. About 40% of all spaces are permanently let, even in the muncipally operated garages in Frankfurt. Private spaces cannot be controlled by municipal parking concepts. They can only be indirectly affected, for instance, by no parking provision at all for employees in the public realm, to induce firms to distribute their private spaces to employees who are carbound because of handicaps, professional use of the car, and lacking in public transport alternatives. In the long term, the amount of private spaces can be controlled by zoning ordinances. The share of private spaces in the total parking is about 40 to 50% in German cities. Table 3 shows the figures for Frankfurt am Main. Parking space which is not pletely controlled by parking management measures is an oversaturated system: that means parking demand exceeds parking supply or to put it another way additional spaces attract additional cars. That is even true with illegal parking possibilities. How parking management can avoid this is indicated by spare capacities in parking lots where streets are totally crowded by parked cars. The oftencited deficit of parking spaces is often revealed as a defic it of cheap and easily accessible spaces near to the real destinations. These are, under presentday regulations, onstreet spaces legal as well as illegal. As is shown by spare capacities in parking lots except during main shopping days an equal balance below total occupancy is to be achieved by parking prices. So accessibility is granted while search traffic is avoided. In many discussions about the reasonable supply of parking spaces in a city district, parking deficits are plained of, especially by representatives of the retail trade. Such deficits are often dissolved if the underlying parking standards are changed, . if, for instance, a longer walk between parking and final destination is assumed. So when speaking about parking deficits, we have to add standards in terms of distances and costs to define them. By the way, the same occurs in other fields of transportation: so, for instance, the capacity of a road section or a junction is connected with the level of service expressed by speed or waiting times.