【正文】 lling and their actual lying behavior. Research on the general relationship between children’s social and moral conceptions and their actual behaviors is of significant importance because the ultimate purpose of socialization is to ensure that children not only know morally what is right or wrong and conventionally what is appropriate or inappropriate, but that they also act accordingly. Existing studies with children and adults concerning Kolhbergian moral dilemmas as well as antisocial lying have shown either weak or no linkages between individuals’ moral knowledge and moral action (Arnold, 1989。 Rest, 1986). Multiple theories have provided a variety of explanations as to why individuals fail to act according to their conceptual knowledge about moral or social rules (Arsenio amp。 Huesmann, 1998。 Huesmann, 1998) or prosocial behaviors (., Rest, 1986). A major factor contributing to this disconnection is the difference in the interpretation of hypothetical situations used to assess moral and social knowledge and interpretations of actual situations that call for morally and socially appropriate behavior. This is particularly true for situations where contradictory moral and social rules may apply. For example, in a politeness situation, individuals may interpret the need to be polite and to avoid hurting another to be the primary concern and thus advocate hypothetically that one should tell a prosocial lie in such a situation. However, when encountering the same situation in reality, they may interpret the situation to require only for the fulfillment of the need to be truthful and thus tell the truth. Alternatively, individuals could interpret the hypothetical situation to be concerned with the need to the truthful but the real life situation to be concerned with the need to be polite and to avoid hurting another. In both cases, a disconnection between conceptual knowledge and action results.Thus, to examine empirically the relation between children’s conceptual knowledge about prosocial lietelling and their actual lying behavior, two methodological measures must be taken. First, one must examine children’s interpretations of hypothetical politeness stories that are used to assess their understanding of prosocial lietelling. Second, one must also obtain children’s interpretations of their own actions in the politeness situation. Such methodological measures were not taken in the previous studies, which leaves gaps in our knowledge about: (a) the age at which children begin to understand the politeness situation to be a situation where one needs to consider the need to be truthful and the need to be polite and avoid hurting another, (b) the age at which they begin to tell lies for prosocial reasons, and most importantly, (c) whether children’s conceptual understanding of prosocial lietelling is related to their actual behaviors in the politeness situation. This study was conducted to bridge the gap in the literature and to address these three important questions.In the present study, we assessed 7, 9, and 11 yearold Chinese children’s conceptual understanding of prosocial lietelling and blunt truthtelling in a politeness situation. The three age groups were chosen because existing studies have shown that children’s conceptual knowledge about prosocial lietelling appears to undergo systematic changes during this period (., Broomfield et al., 2002。 Zeng, 2004). Also, this developmental trend appears to be similar between Western and Chinese children (see Broomfield et al., 2002。一種是人們?yōu)榱俗约旱睦娑鴵p害他人的利益而做出了違反社會規(guī)則的說謊行為。一些理論家如斯威特塞提過，他認為在某些情境下，善意的謊言并不僅是被社會接受的，而且又是會認為并不是說謊。一個流派演技了孩子們對于反社會謊言的概念以及道德判斷。孩子對謊言的道德判斷，有證據(jù)顯示，甚至是學(xué)齡前兒童理解反社會的謊言有負面的道德意義。與利己性謊言的廣泛的文獻相比，對于帶有好的目的的謊言發(fā)展只有很少的研究。傳統(tǒng)規(guī)則關(guān)注的是什么是正確的，什么是錯誤的，就如同在社會福利及正義的規(guī)則中規(guī)范個人應(yīng)有的行為。親社會環(huán)境包括了多個方面。然而，說謊，或者帶有目的性的作了一個錯誤的陳述來欺騙他人，(1952)、Kant(1949)和Bok(1978)等哲學(xué)家或神學(xué)家們看作是道德的罪過，因為說謊會侵犯說謊對象自由選擇信息的權(quán)利。這個原則要求說話的人進入一段對話時告訴但并不對他們說話的對象誤傳?，F(xiàn)有的證據(jù)顯示，成人在解決由親社會環(huán)境引起的沖突時沒有任何的困難。對孩子來說，通過那些規(guī)則解決這些沖突有額外的要求。要求孩子們?yōu)閷嶒炚弋嬕环?，但是在畫畫之前，實驗者問，“我看上去還好嗎？”在3到7歲得兒童中，89%回答說實驗者看上去很好。進一步來說，在說謊的孩子中，也并不清楚他們說謊是否是顧及到了實驗者的感情（善意的謊言）還是為了避免說謊可能帶來的負面的影響（利己性說謊）。但是，因為沒有調(diào)查學(xué)生積極評價的動機，所以不清楚他們是否是為了同伴（如，考慮到同伴的感受）還是為了自己（如，避免因說真話而導(dǎo)致的結(jié)果）的才這樣評價的。當他們被問道他們是都喜歡禮物時，大多數(shù)孩子會告訴給他們禮物的人他們喜歡這些不好的禮物，但是告訴他們父母他們并不喜歡這些禮物。與對孩子實際的親社會性的說謊行為的少量研究相比，雖然很少但仍然有對孩子對親社會謊言概念的理解的研究。這個結(jié)論揭露了在青少年成長過程中，對親社會謊言的概念的理解有很大的塑造的可能性。并且，孩子們認為給禮物的人很樂意聽到這樣的謊話。他們揭示了對親社會謊言的評價的對立是由親社會環(huán)境因素引起的，但是只有在兒童后期，孩子才會出現(xiàn)允許禮貌的需要而避免傷害他人而不顧真實的需要的行為?，F(xiàn)有的研究顯示，孩子以及成人關(guān)于在道德困境以及反社會謊言的道德知識和道德行為，基本上是沒有聯(lián)系的 (Arnold,1989。根據(jù)他們的道德和社會規(guī)則的概念性知識，為什么會無法做出說謊行為，眾多理論給了許多解釋(Arsenio和Lemerise, 2004。 Walker, 2002)，包括涉及侵略(Crick和 Dodge, 1994。舉例來說，在一個親社會的情境中，個人可能會出于禮貌的需要和避免傷害另外一個人，應(yīng)該說親社會的謊言。因此，為了實際的調(diào)查孩子對親社會謊言的概念理解以及他們實際的說謊行為的關(guān)系，采用了兩種方法來調(diào)查。這個研究就是為了彌合這些文字上的差距并且解釋這三個重要的問題。 Walper 和 Valtin, 1992。中國兒童看故事主角遇到了一個親社會環(huán)境（如，獲得了一個不需要的禮物）。這些控制故事就是為了確定兒童收到一個不需要的禮物時，并不是簡單的做出符合或不符合事實的陳述，而是對說真話還是說謊話的道德判斷和歸類。之所以選擇給予不需要禮物的情境，是因為這個情境在兒童時期經(jīng)常會出現(xiàn)（生日時從祖父母那里收到一件質(zhì)量不好的針織衫），而且兒童很早就知道掩飾他們不喜歡的真實的感