【文章內(nèi)容簡(jiǎn)介】 ction cannot be the only or even primary ponent of our leadership in every instance. just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail.
　　我的底線是：美國(guó)必須在世界范圍保持領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。如果我們不能，沒(méi)人能。你們所加入的美軍，永遠(yuǎn)都是美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界的中堅(jiān)力量。但是美國(guó)的軍事行動(dòng)不是我們展現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的唯一方式，更不是主要部分。因?yàn)殡m然我們有最好的錘子(美軍)，但并不意味著每個(gè)問(wèn)題都是釘子。
　　and because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader and especially your mander in chief to be clear about how that awesome power should be used. so let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the united states of america, and our military, should lead in the years to e, for you will be part of that leadership.
　　因?yàn)檐娛滦袆?dòng)代價(jià)極大，所以你們應(yīng)該期望每個(gè)平民領(lǐng)袖。尤其是你們的總司令。清楚如何使用這一令人生畏的力量。所以，讓我用剩下的時(shí)間來(lái)描述一下我的想法：關(guān)于美國(guó)和美軍在未來(lái)幾年應(yīng)怎樣領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界，而你們將會(huì)成為領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界力量的一部分。
　　first, let me repeat a principle i put forward at the outset of my presidency: the united states will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it when our people are threatened。 when our livelihoods are at stake。 when the security of our allies is in danger.
　　首先，讓我重申一下我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)提出的原則：當(dāng)我們的核心利益需要的時(shí)候。我們的人民受到威脅、生計(jì)受到威脅、盟友的安全處于危險(xiǎn)之中。如果有必要，美國(guó)將單方面使用軍事力量。
　　in these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just. international opinion matters, but america should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland or our way of life. (applause.)
　　當(dāng)然在這些情況下，我們?nèi)匀恍枰獟行淖詥?wèn)，我們的行動(dòng)是否合適有效公正。雖然國(guó)際輿論很重要，但是在保護(hù)我們的人民、祖國(guó)和生活方式這些問(wèn)題上，美國(guó)不需要得到別人的許可。(掌聲)
　　on the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the united states, when such issues are at stake, when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for military action must be higher. in such circumstances, we should not go it alone. instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. we have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. in such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.
　　另一方面，當(dāng)引起世界關(guān)注但沒(méi)有直接威脅到美國(guó)利益的危機(jī)產(chǎn)生時(shí)，當(dāng)這些問(wèn)題亟待解決時(shí)，當(dāng)能觸動(dòng)我們的良心或推動(dòng)世界向更危險(xiǎn)的方向發(fā)展但不對(duì)美國(guó)構(gòu)成直接威脅的危機(jī)出現(xiàn)時(shí)，我們更不能輕易采取軍事行動(dòng)。在這種情況下，我們不應(yīng)該單打獨(dú)斗。相反，我們必須動(dòng)員盟友和合作伙伴采取集體行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該廣泛使用各種手段，包括外交和發(fā)展、制裁和孤立、訴諸于國(guó)際法，甚至在必要情況下采取多邊軍事行動(dòng)。在這些情況下，我們必須與其他國(guó)家合作，因?yàn)榧w行動(dòng)更容易成功，持續(xù)性強(qiáng)，還可以減少代價(jià)慘痛的錯(cuò)誤。”。
　　this leads to my second point. for the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to america, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naive and unsustainable. i believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy, drawing on the successes and shortings of our experience in iraq and afghanistan, to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold.
　　這引出了我的第二個(gè)觀點(diǎn)。在可預(yù)見(jiàn)的未來(lái)，不管國(guó)內(nèi)還是國(guó)外，對(duì)美國(guó)最直接的威脅仍是恐怖主義。但是，那種對(duì)每個(gè)包庇恐怖主義組織的國(guó)家都采取進(jìn)攻手段的戰(zhàn)略未免過(guò)于天真，也不可能長(zhǎng)期進(jìn)行。我認(rèn)為，我們必須從伊拉克和阿富汗問(wèn)題上汲取經(jīng)驗(yàn)和教訓(xùn)，將美國(guó)打擊恐怖主義的戰(zhàn)略轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榕c那些國(guó)內(nèi)有恐怖組織基地的國(guó)家進(jìn)行有效的伙伴合作。
　　and the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that todayamp。rsquo。s principal threat no longer es from a centralized alqaida leadership. instead it es from decentralized alqaida affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in the countries where they operate. and this lessens the possibility of largescale 9/11style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of . personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in benghazi. it heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in nairobi. so we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat, one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin or stir up local resentments.
　　并且，對(duì)新戰(zhàn)略的需求反映出一個(gè)事實(shí)：今天我們主要的威脅不再是來(lái)自于基地組織的集中領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，而是來(lái)自分散的 “?；亍?。組織分支機(jī)構(gòu)和極端分子，其中很多都在他們從事活動(dòng)的國(guó)家內(nèi)進(jìn)行活動(dòng)。雖然這種情況降低了美國(guó)本土遭受大規(guī)模911式襲擊的可能性，但是就像我們 在班加西(benghazi)看到的那樣，這會(huì)增加美國(guó)海外人員遇險(xiǎn)的可能性。就像我們?cè)趦?nèi)羅畢(nairobi)購(gòu)物商場(chǎng)看到的那樣，這還會(huì)增加防備薄 弱目標(biāo)遇險(xiǎn)的可能性。因此，我們需要制定戰(zhàn)略應(yīng)對(duì)這種傳播式的威脅，這一戰(zhàn)略必須能夠在不派遣軍隊(duì)、避免戰(zhàn)線過(guò)長(zhǎng)、避免引發(fā)當(dāng)?shù)夭粷M情緒的前提下擴(kuò)大我們 的影響力。
　　we need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. and empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in afghanistan. together with our allies, america struck huge blows against alqaida core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country.
　　我們需要合作伙伴一起打擊恐怖分子。我們?cè)诎⒏缓挂呀?jīng)完成和正在進(jìn)行的工作，很大一部份是為了增進(jìn)伙伴的自治能力。在 與盟友的共同努力下，美國(guó)給基地組織核心造成了沉重的打擊，挫敗了其試圖顛覆國(guó)家的叛亂活動(dòng)。
　　but sustaining this progress depends on the ability of afghans to do the job. and thatamp。rsquo。s why we trained hundreds of thousands of afghan soldiers and police. earlier this spring, those forces those afghan forces secured an election in which afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in their history. and at the end of this year, a new afghan president will be in office, and americaamp。rsquo。s bat mission will be over.
　　但是，決定這個(gè)進(jìn)程能否持續(xù)下去的是阿富汗人民在處理這一問(wèn)題上的能力。這就是我們訓(xùn)練成千上萬(wàn)的阿富汗士兵和警察的原因。今年春天早些時(shí)候，這些部隊(duì)，這些阿富汗部隊(duì)保障了選舉的進(jìn)行，阿富汗人為該國(guó)史上第一次政權(quán)的民主移交進(jìn)行了投票。今年年底，阿富汗新總統(tǒng)將上任，屆時(shí)美國(guó)作戰(zhàn)部隊(duì)的使命也將完成。
　　now (applause) that was an enormous achievement made because of americaamp。rsquo。s armed forces. but as we move to a train and advise mission in afghanistan, our reduced presence there allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the middle east and north africa. so earlier this year i asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from south asia to the sahel.
　　現(xiàn)在。(掌聲)。這就是美軍取得的巨大成就。但是當(dāng)我們?cè)诎⒏缓沟氖姑D(zhuǎn)向訓(xùn)練和顧問(wèn)時(shí)，我們減少駐軍以后可以更有效地應(yīng)對(duì)中東和北非新出現(xiàn)的威脅。因此在今年早些時(shí)候，我讓國(guó)家安全事務(wù)部門(mén)就南亞和薩赫勒地區(qū)的合作伙伴關(guān)系網(wǎng)制定了一個(gè)計(jì)劃。
　　today, as part of this effort, i am calling on congress to support a new counterterrorism partnerships fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity and facilitate partner countries on the fro