【正文】 ismamp。AIDSamp。 not victims, longing for our pity people, ready for support and worthy of passion.
　　My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less passionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that es only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.
　　With the Presidentamp。39。 that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?
　　Now the time has e for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
　　We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.
　　Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a mitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live mands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many munities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.
　　I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.
　　I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.
　　Iamp。39。 it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.
　　Tonight, I represent an AIDS munity whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his familyamp。ldquo。rdquo。 in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases and, I am sorry to say, very important cases we are all concerned by the slowness of the acplishment of our plans.
　　The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And todayamp。 I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
　　Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and AustralAsia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere yes, many times over.
　　In times like these it is immature and, incidentally, untrue for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, singlehanded and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
　　No realistic American can expect from a dictatoramp。quot。t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different。 that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have。此資料由網(wǎng)絡(luò)收集而來，如有侵權(quán)請(qǐng)告知上傳者立即刪除。t have that right。rsquo。 and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, amp。quot。39。 because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
　　Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our