【正文】 process. Land use plans are produced by private sector consultants for a specified period. The role of the municipality is merely implementation of these plans, rather than generating and revising them. New schemes for urban motorways and largescale radical redevelopment of the central and decayed areas continue to be prepared and implemented. The last mayor, who was elected the president of the republic in 2020, was a civil engineer, putting road building schemes high on his agenda, even aiming to widen parts of the most beautiful boulevard in the city (Vali Asr) to ease traffic flows. Meanwhile, the city continues to suffer from acute social polarization, high land and property prices, heavy traffic congestion and some of the worst atmospheric pollution in the world, and remains unprepared for any serious earthquake. Managing change in a metropolis Leaving aside the earlier phases, the key urban planning stages in the 20th century (1930s, 1960s, 1990s) show some broad similarities: they mark the periods of relative economic and political strength, in which at once urban development flourishes and the government feels able enough to manage growth. Iran‘s oil economy is so much integrated with the global economy that these periods parallel the international economic cycles and periods of urban development booms. These planning stages also show cyclical development pressure, cyclical attention to planning matters, within an overall move towards democratic urban governance, to sophistication of municipal organization and city planning approaches, which are nevertheless far behind the momentous process of urban growth and development. The main focus has remained management of physical development. Each phase, however, has added a new dimension to city planning: from design to regulation and policy development。 這里數(shù)千年之前就有人居住 ， 是 11 世紀(jì) 時(shí)塞爾柱王朝的首都，但它在中世紀(jì)時(shí)期結(jié)束時(shí) 衰弱了 ， 那時(shí) 德黑蘭開(kāi)始 發(fā)展（ Lockhart， 1960）。首都 這些變化 包括一個(gè)新的中央廣場(chǎng)， 新 的 街道，銀行， 8 技術(shù)學(xué)院，醫(yī)院，電報(bào)房，酒店和歐洲風(fēng)格的商店，這是 根據(jù) 一個(gè) 英國(guó)觀察員的德黑蘭 ―雙重復(fù)興 ‖方案所建造 的 （ Curzon， 1892，第 300頁(yè)）。到 1932 年，人口密度 以每公頃 105 人的速度 增加了一倍，并有三分之一的人口住在城墻外。其直接結(jié)果是 城市居民從1932年的 31萬(wàn) 增長(zhǎng) 至 1941年的 70萬(wàn)。舊街區(qū)蜿蜒的街道 向新的街道網(wǎng)絡(luò)變革 ， 目的都是為了統(tǒng)一城市空間，克服 傳統(tǒng)派系的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)，緩解貨物 運(yùn)輸壓力 ， 服務(wù)于 軍事 力量 ，加強(qiáng)市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)和支持 主力 。因此，德黑蘭 經(jīng)歷了 第三次 主要 的 城市規(guī)劃。 因此德黑蘭 第二次大規(guī)模的城市規(guī)劃工作 做了 容納增長(zhǎng)和引進(jìn)現(xiàn)代化建設(shè) 的 改革。他們都是 以 政 府主導(dǎo)的能力和意愿來(lái)改變和塑造大規(guī)模的城市基建工程。 the absence of effective public transport, and inefficient bureaucracy. The municipality‘s vision for the future of the city was then outlined to have six major characteristics: a clean city, ease of movement in the city, the creation of parks and green spaces, the development of new cultural and sports facilities, reform of the municipal organization, and planning for the improvement of urban space, including preparation of prehensive and detailed plans for land use and conservation (Shahrdarie Tehran, 1996). The municipality implemented part of the proposals, such as increasing the amount of green open spaces in the south, or constructing new parts of the motorway work, which was proposed by the 1968 plan。 expansion of mercial activities along the main roads。 retailers were encouraged to move to new streets and to abandon the old streets of the bazaar。 its size grew from 46 km178。 widespread unemployment in the poorer areas, and the continuous migration of lowine groups to Tehran. The solution was to be found in the transformation of the city‘s physical, social and economic fabric (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). The proposals were, nevertheless, mostly advocating physical change, attempting, in a modernist 德黑蘭的城市規(guī)劃與發(fā)展 3 spirit, to impose a new order onto this plex metropolis. The future of the city was envisaged to be growing westward in a linear polycentric form, reducing the density and congestion of the city centre. The city would be formed of 10 large urban districts, separated from each other by green belts, each with about 500,000 inhabitants, a mercial and an industrial centre with highrise buildings. Each district (mantagheh) would be subdivided into a number of areas (nahyeh) and neighborhoods (mahalleh). An area, with a population of about 15–30,000, would have a high school and a mercial centre and other necessary facilities. A neighborhood, with its 5000 inhabitants, would have a primary school and a local mercial centre. These districts and areas would be linked by a transportation work, which included motorways, a rapid transit route and a bus route. The stops on the rapid transit route would be developed as the nodes for concentration of activities with a high residential density. A number of redevelopment and improvement schemes in the existing urban areas would relocate 600,000 people out of the central areas (Farmanfarmaian and Gruen, 1968). Almost all these measures can be traced to the fashionable planning ideas of the time, which were largely influenced by the British New Towns. In his book, The Heart of Our Cities, Victor Gruen (1965) had envisaged the metropolis of tomorrow as a central city surrounded by 10 additional cities, each with its own centre. This resembled Ebenezer Howard‘s (1960, p. 142) ??social cities‘‘, in which a central city was surrounded by a cluster of garden cities. In Tehran‘s plan, a linear version of this concept was used. Another linear concept, which was used in the British New Towns of the time such as Redditch and Runcorn, was the importance of public transport routes as the town‘s spine, with its stopping points serving as its foci. The use of neighborhood units of limited population, focused on a neighborhood centre and a primary school, was widely used in these New Towns, an idea that had been developed in the 1920s in the United States (Mumford, 1954). These ideas remained, however, largely on paper. Some of the plan‘s ideas that were implemented, which were rooted in American city planning, included a