【正文】 al interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
　　I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is monly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to munism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
　　Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must prehend something of Asiaamp。此資料由網(wǎng)絡(luò)收集而來，如有侵權(quán)請告知上傳者立即刪除。39。39。 support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in IndoChina and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every wouldbe conqueror since the beginning of time.
　　The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a mendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in waramp。39。 a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
　　Such decisions have not been forthing.
　　While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
　　Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China。s coastal areas and of Manchuria。39。quot。quot。s sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
　　Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against munism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
　　They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: amp。t scuttle the Pacific!amp。old soldiers never die。老兵永不死(中文版)”。我站在這里不為任何黨派目的辯護(hù)，因?yàn)樽h題的根本性超出了黨派所能考慮的區(qū)域。且一方的廣泛影響不得不帶動(dòng)另一方。共產(chǎn)主義者的威脅是一個(gè)全球性的問題。在某人能客觀地對那里存在的形勢作出評估之前，他必須了解一些關(guān)于亞洲的過去和他們沿著自己的路線發(fā)展至今的改革變化。這是世界金融尖端轉(zhuǎn)變的必然結(jié)果，就像整個(gè)世界事物的中心正循環(huán)著回到它的起始點(diǎn)。是平等尊嚴(yán)而不是恥辱地屈從。這些政治社會(huì)性的條件為國內(nèi)安全給予了間接的保障，不過要對慎重考慮過的現(xiàn)時(shí)方案建立背景來決定我們是否要避免不切實(shí)際的意外事件。所有一切都被太平洋戰(zhàn)爭的勝利改變了，我們那具有戰(zhàn)略意義的邊界才成為我們所擁有的整個(gè)太平洋，只要我們能夠抓住它便能使其成為巨大的護(hù)城河。有了海洋上的和空中的力量。
　　在亞洲任何兇狠的進(jìn)攻都必須具備兩股力量。假定那里是個(gè)友好的和平湖畔，我們的防御路線就十分自然而且可花費(fèi)最小的軍事代價(jià)來維持。因?yàn)檫@個(gè)原因，我過去強(qiáng)烈地推薦自己，成為一個(gè)至關(guān)重要的軍事代理，沒有穩(wěn)固的經(jīng)濟(jì)基礎(chǔ)臺灣就只能在共產(chǎn)主義的掌控下。經(jīng)過過去的五十年中國人開始有了武裝的概念和理想。結(jié)果我被說成了是個(gè)好戰(zhàn)分子。事實(shí)上，在1945年9月2日，就跟在日本國在密蘇里號戰(zhàn)艦上投降后，我正式警告如下：
　　”。軍事的聯(lián)盟，實(shí)力的平衡，國家的結(jié)盟，輪流著失敗，留下這唯一的路徑來當(dāng)作戰(zhàn)爭的嚴(yán)酷考驗(yàn)。問題是神奇的，它涉及到一種精神的再生和人類性格的改進(jìn)，將與我們在科學(xué)、藝術(shù)、文學(xué)及所有物質(zhì)文化2020年來的發(fā)展近乎史無前例的同步進(jìn)展。戰(zhàn)爭的目的是為了勝利，而不是為了無休止的延長。就像敲詐勒索，它爆發(fā)于連續(xù)不斷的新的需求，在威脅中，暴力成為了僅存的另外選擇。難道要我們在戰(zhàn)場上放棄對敵人的優(yōu)勢?”。似乎沒有一種解釋是有效的，因?yàn)橹袊呀?jīng)表明有了最大限度的影響力，且蘇聯(lián)不會(huì)迎合我們的步伐。在世界上所有的國家中，韓國是僅存的唯一冒險(xiǎn)反對共產(chǎn)主義的國家。決不能逃離太平洋!”。那些日趨增長的殺戮給我?guī)砹藰O度的痛苦和憂慮。自從我在西點(diǎn)廣場上虔誠地宣誓以來，世界已幾經(jīng)傾覆，希望和夢想也早已消失，但我仍記得那時(shí)最流行的一首軍歌中的句子，它自豪地宣布：
　　”。
　　再見?！?。
　　我即將結(jié)束我52年的戎馬生涯了。他們在那遇到了各種各樣的考驗(yàn)，我會(huì)毫無保留地向你們匯報(bào)他們在每個(gè)方面都很出色。比起奴隸身份他們情愿選擇了拼死。
　　事實(shí)使韓國的悲劇更為加深了，軍事行動(dòng)縮小了他們的國界。
　　有人會(huì)說：和中國攜手進(jìn)行一次全力以赴的戰(zhàn)爭來避免沖突的傳播。為什么?”。有一些人因?yàn)楦鞣N原因要安慰紅色中國?！?。我們只有最后的機(jī)會(huì)。不同的時(shí)代各式各樣的方法都被用來設(shè)計(jì)國際性的進(jìn)程，來平息和解國與國之間的爭論。我明白現(xiàn)在活著的人當(dāng)中幾乎沒多少能真正了解戰(zhàn)爭，沒有比這更令我心情不悅的了。這就在亞洲誕生了一股新的統(tǒng)治力量，為了實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的目標(biāo)，他們與觀念方法都成了具帝國主義的蘇聯(lián)結(jié)盟，同時(shí)他們也帶著擴(kuò)張領(lǐng)土、增強(qiáng)實(shí)力的渴望趨向帝國主義。
　　要了解中國大陸所發(fā)生的變化，就必須知道50年來中國體制和文化的變化。
　　在西太平洋上想擁有這種防御力因此要依賴各個(gè)部分，因?yàn)椴挥押玫牧α繉?dǎo)致的任何線路